UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
LOS  ANGELES 


ADDITIONAL  COPIES  of  this  book  and 
COMPLETE  SETS  OF  THESE  OFFICIAL  PRO- 
CEEDINGS including  1856,  1860,  1864, 1868,  1872, 
1876,  1880,  1884,  1888,  1892,  1896,  1900  and  1904, 
can  be  obtained  at  any  time  from 

CHARLES  W.  JOHNSON, 

Minneapolis,  Minn. 


OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS 

OF  THE 

THIRTEENTH 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION, 


HELD   IN   THE   CITY   OF 


Chicago,  June  21,  22,  23, 
1904 

RESULTING   IN    THE   NOMINATION   OF 

THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  of  New  York,  for  President 


AND   THE   NOMINATION   OF 


CHARLES  W.  FAIRBANKS,  of  Indiana,  for  Vice-President. 


Reported  by  M.  W.  BLUMENBERG,  Official  Reporter. 


HARRISON  &  SMITH  CO. 
MINNEAPOLIS. 


THE  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS. 


Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Convention  is  hereby  directed  to  pre- 
pare and  publish  a  full  and  complete  report  of  the  official  proceedings  of  this 
Convention,  under  the  direction  of  the  National  Committee,  co-operating  with 
the  local  committee. 

The  following  resolution  was  adopted  at  the  National  Convention  held  in 
Philadelphia  in  1900: 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Convention  be  requested  to  republish 
the  official  proceedings  of  preceding  Republican  National  Conventions  now  out 
of  print,  under  the  direction  of  the  National  Committee. 

CHARLES  W.  JOHNSON, 

SECRETARY. 


COPYRIGHT 
1904 


v: 


JK 

•   ^353 
19040, 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 


VICE-CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  NA  TIONAL  COMMITTEE- 

g  HON.  HENRY  C.  PAYNE, 

\  OF  WISCONSIN. 

^     SECRETARY  OF  THE  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE— 

t  HON.  ELMER  DOVER, 

O 

OF  OHIO. 

U 

Q      TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  CONVENTION- 

HON.  ELIHU  ROOT, 

OF  NEW  YORK. 
PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  CONVENTION— 

HON.  JOSEPH  G.  CANNON, 

OF  ILLINOIS. 
GENERAL  SECRETARY— 

CHARLES  W.  JOHNSON, 

O  OF  MINNESOTA. 

• 

SERGE ANT- A  T-ARMS— 

WILLIAM  F.  STONE, 

OF  MARYLAND. 


3ln 


The  National  Committee  at  its  session 
prior  to  the  meeting  of  the  Convention 
adopted  the  following  reports  relative  to 
the  death  of  Senator  Hanna  and  Senator 
Quay,  former  Chairmen  of  the  National 
Committee.  The  Secretary  of  the  Con- 
vention was  directed  to  embody  the  same 
in  the  volume  of  Official  Proceedings. 


Senator  PENROSE,  of  Pennyslvania,  reported  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  members  of  the  Republican  National 
Committee  have  learned  with  profound  sorrow  of  the  death 
of  our  late  colleague,  Matthew  Stanley  Quay.  For  many 
years  he  represented  the  great  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  this 
Committee.  In  several  campaigns  he  served  as  member  of 
the  Executive  Committee.  As  Chairman  of  the  Republican 
National  Committee  he  achieved  by  his  skill,  sagacity, 
courage  and  ability,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  victories  in 
the  splendid  history  of  the  Republican  party.  He  was  ever 
found  to  be  a  genial  friend  and  a  sagacious  counselor.  His 
ripe  political  experience,  matured  and  well-balanced  judg- 
ment, and  extraordinary  knowledge  concerning  political 
affairs,  will  be  greatly  missed  in  the  councils  of  the  party. 

In  his  death  the  country  has  lost  one  of  the  ablest  and 
best  equipped  statesmen  of  his  time.  He  was  one  of  the 
most  influential,  trusted  and  forceful  members  of  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States.  His  many  and  great  public  services 
to  his  party  and  his  country  are  recognized  and  admitted 
by  all. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  sent  to  his 
family;  to  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania;  and 
that  they  be  printed  in  the  official  proceedings  of  the  Con- 
vention. 

Senator  PENROSE  moved  the  adoption  of  the  report. 
Report  adopted. 


The    Late    HON.    MATTHEW    STANLEY    QUAY,    of    Pennsylvania, 

Former  Chairman   of   the   Republican    National    Committee    (1888). 

Died    May  28,   1904. 


Mr  HERRICK,  of  Ohio,  made  the  following  report: 

Resolved,  That  the  members  of  this  Republican  National 
Committee  bow  their  heads  in  profound  sorrow  over  the  loss 
of  Marcus  A.  Hanna,  distinguished  throughout  his  active 
and  honorable  life  by  his  devotion  to  principle,  his  person- 
ality, his  splendid  courage,  his  sound  judgment,  his  quick 
sympathy  and  spirit  of  helpfulness,  his  masterful  power  of 
organization,  and  his  noble  qualities  of  mind  and  heart. 

He  touched  society  and  government,  labor  and  capital  at 
every  point.  His  success  was  won  by  industry,  consistent 
purpose,  economy  and  sacrifice,  by  loyalty  to  friends,  and 
consideration  of  the  rights  of  his  fellowmen.  In  his  great 
work  on  this  Committee  we  learned  to  lean  and  rely  on  him, 
to  trust  him  with  great  labors  and  responsibility;  and  he 
proved  equal  to  every  demand  upon  him. 

In  the  Senate,  in  the  ranks  of  labor,  in  the  conferences  of 
the  masters  of  commerce,  in  the  councils  of  political  leaders 
of  his  country,  he  was  wise,  just  and  patriotic.  He  was  a 
statesman  in  the  true  sense,  an  honorable  man  of  affairs,  a 
helper  in  the  world's  work,  and  we  mourn  his  death  at  the 
very  summit  of  his  power  and  influence  with  a  depth  beyond 
the  strength  of  *ny  ordinary  words  of  ours  to  express. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  this  tribute  be  sent  to  his  family, 
to  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  and  be  printed  in  the 
Official  Proceedings  of  the  Convention. 

Mr.  HERRICK  moved  the  adoption  of  the  report. 
Report  adopted. 


The    Late    HON.    MARCUS   A.    HANNA,    of    Ohio, 

Former  Chairman   of  the   Republican    National    Committee    (1896-1900). 
Died    February   15,   1904. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  unanimously  nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the 
National  Republican  Convention  at  Chicago  on  June  23,  1904,  is  without 
doubt,  of  all  men  living  in  the  United  States  in  these  opening  years  of  the 
twentieth  century,  the  man  best  qualified  by  training  and  experience  for  the 
high  duties  of  the  office  of  Chief  Executive.  Training  for  great  and  varied 
responsibilities  in  life  is  of  two  kinds : — first,  training  in  those  qualities  of 
mind,  character,  and  personality  that  go  to  make  up  the  man  himself;  and 
second,  training  in  the  subjects  and  the  methods  that  relate  to  the  business 
of  the  office  in  question.  In  both  of  these  forms  of  preparation  Theodore 
Roosevelt  meets  every  test  of  fitness.  Measured  along  the  line  of  the  first 
test,  namely,  that  of  personal  qualities,  the  speakers  at  the  Chicago  conven- 
tion were  not  wrong  in  the  tributes  they  paid  to  Mr.  Roosevelt  as — to  quote 
from  ex-Governor  Black — "the  highest  living  type  of  the  youth,  the  vigor, 
and  the  promise  of  the  great  country  and  a  great  age."  Senator  Beveridge 
was  right  in  characterizing  Theodore  Roosevelt  as  one  "whose  sympathies 
are  as  wide  as  the  Republic ;  whose  courage,  honesty,  and  vision  meet  all 
the  emergencies,  and  the  sum  of  whose  qualities  makes  him  the  type  of 
twentieth  century  Americanism."  Mr.  Knight,  of  California,  eulogized  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt's  embodiment  of  American  ideals,  aspirations,  and  character, 
whose  so-called  "impulsiveness"  is  but  the  frank,  decisive  habit  that  comes 
to  be  the  very  essence  of  the  character  of  a  man  in  whose  make-up  "dis- 
honesty, cowardice,  and  duplicity  have  no  part."  Mr.  Root  closed  his  great 
speech  as  temporary  chairman  of  the  convention  with  a  tribute  to  Mr. 
Roosevelt's  personal  qualities,  and  these  are  the  concluding  sentences  of 
that  memorable  address. 

No  people  can  maintain  free  government  who  do  not  In  their  hearts  value 
the  qualities  which  have  made  the  present  President  of  the  United  States  con- 
spicuous among  the  men  of  his  time  as  a  type  of  noble  manhood.  Come  what 
may  here,  come  what  may  in  November,  God  grant  that  those  qualities  of 
brave,  true  manhood,  shall  have  honor  throughout  America,  shall  be  held  for 
an  example  in  every  home,  and  that  the  youth  of  generations  to  come  may 
grow  up  to  feel  that  it  is  better  than  wealth,  or  office,  or  power,  to  have  the 
honesty,  the  purity,  and  the  courage  of  Theodore  Roosevelt. 

HIS  CHARACTER  NO  TOPIC  FOR  DIFFERENCE  OF  OPINION. 

Theodore  Roosevelt's  character  is  no  topic  for  difference  of  opinion 
or  for  party  controversy.  It  is  without  mystery  or  concealment.  It  has 
the  primary  qualities  that  in  all  ages  have  been  admired  and  respected : 
physical  prowess,  great  energy  and  vitality,  straightforwardness,  and  moral 


12  THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 

courage,  promptness  in  action,  talent  for  leadership.  But  besides  exhibiting 
these  bolder  constituents  of  manhood  that  one  finds  in  the  best  of  Plutarch's 
men,  and  in  the  approved  figures  of  all  historic  periods,  Theodore  Roose- 
velt has  in  his  life  of  forty-six  years, — a  life  lived  openly  and  without  any 
dark  or  hidden  or  regretted  chapters,  in  the  presence  of  a  host  of  friends 
and  fellow-citizens — remained  constant  and  true  in  the  possession  and  exer- 
cise of  an  added  set  of  virtues,  namely,  those  that  the  best  American  fathers 
and  mothers  must  prize  and  desire  for  their  own  children.  Thus  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  as  a  typical  personality,  has  won  the  hearty  confidence  of  the 
American  people;  and  he  has  not  shrunk  from  recognizing  and  using  his 
influence  as  an  advocate  of  the  best  standards  of  personal,  domestic,  and 
civic  life  in  the  country.  He  has  made  these  things  relating  to  life  and  con- 
duct a  favorite  theme  in  speech  and  essay,  and  he  has  diligently  practiced 
what  he  has  constantly  preached.  Thus  he  has  become  a  power  for  whole- 
someness  in  every  department  of  our  life  as  a  people. 

A  TRAINING  FOR  HIGH  PUBLIC  DUTIES. 

But  President  Roosevelt  is  not  merely  the  man  of  trained  and  mature 
personality, — with  a  physical  and  mental  capacity  for  continuous  work,  with 
a  power  of  concentration  that  never  fails  or  flags,  with  a  vitality  that  never 
needs  artificial  stimulant,  and  with  a  strength  of  will  as  well  as  of  body 
that  is  equal  to  any  emergency.  Another  man  might  have  these  splendid  at- 
tributes of  personal  manhood,  yet  be  lacking  in  the  kinds  of  knowledge  and 
experience  demanded  by  the  highest  executive  office  in  the  gift  of  any  nation. 
A  locomotive  engineer,  a  soldier,  or  the  captain  of  a  lake  schooner — all 
men,  by  the  way,  whom  Theodore  Roosevelt  cordially  respects — might  pos- 
sess an  equal  measure  of  Theodore  Roosevelt's  physical  and  moral  courage, 
his  native  intelligence  and  his  tempered  self-control,  but  might  lack  alto- 
gether the  knowledge  of  public  affairs  that  would  be  requisite  for  high 
political  office.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  men  whose  information  regard- 
ing American  history,  public  policy,  and  statecraft  might  in  some  directions 
be  even  wider  than  President  Roosevelt's,  while  lacking  that  rounded  de- 
velopment of  personal  character  that  the  people  of  this  country  earnestly 
wish  to  find  in  the  man  who  occupies  the  White  House  and  stands  before 
the  world  as  their  foremost  citizen  and  representative.  Mr.  Roosevelt  is 
without  question  the  highest  authority  in  this  country  to-day  upon  the  ap- 
plication of  our  laws  and  our  system  of  government  to  the  varied  tasks  of 
the  Chief  Executive. 

He  has  been  before  the  public  for  almost  a  quarter  of  a  century,  always 
destined  to  great  influence.  Yet  he  has  never  been  a  conscious  climber 
up  the  ladder  of  public  preferment.  He  has  never  used  one  office  as  if  it 
were  a  stepping-stone  on  the  way  to  another.  He  has  never  taken  up  any 
public  task  without  putting  his  whole  energy  into  its  performance  as  if  it 
afforded  the  supreme  opportunity  for  usefulness  to  his  fellow-citizens. 


THEODORE   ROOSEVELT.  13 

AS  BOY  AND  MAN. 

Theodore  Roosevelt  was  born  in  New  York  October  27,  1858.  His 
father  was  a  greatly  respected  citizen  of  New  York  City,  and  his  mother 
was  from  the  State  of  Georgia.  He  graduated  at  Harvard  University  in 
1880.  His  health  had  not  been  good  as  a  boy,  but  systematic  physical  train- 
ing through  the  school  and  college  period  brought  him  out  strong  and  well. 
He  was  always  interested  in  American  history  and  politics,  and  entered 
almost  immediately  on  leaving  college  upon  the  career  which,  without  the 
slightest  turning  or  deviation,  he  has  pursued  ever  since.  He  found  himself 
a  Republican  by  inheritance  and  tradition,  by  association,  and  by  his  own 
independent  study  of  the  course  of  our  country's  affairs.  He  determined 
to  work  within  that  party,  believing  it  to  be  an  organization  designed  to 
promote  the  country's  good,  within  which  men  might  find  sufficient  free- 
dom for  the  advocacy  from  time  to  time  of  their  own  convictions,  as 
policies  might  develop  and  new  questions  might  arise.  His  first  public  serv- 
ice was  in  the  New  York  Legislature,  to  which  he  was  elected  in  1881,  and 
where  he  served  for  three  consecutive  terms. 

HIGH  IDEALS  IN  REGARD  TO  PUBLIC  SERVICE. 

He  attained,  almost  immediately,  a  leading  position  through  his  frankness 
and  courage.  He  saw  dawning  upon  the  horizon  of  practical  politics  two 
new  and  essential  reforms.  One  was  the  substitution  in  place  of  the  spoils 
system  of  a  business-like  and  efficient  civil  service,  and  the  other,  in  view 
of  the  rapid  growth  of  our  town  life,  was  the  improvement  of  the  methods 
and  character  of  city  government.  With  intelligence,  courage,  and  convic- 
tion he  threw  himself  into  both  of  these  lines  of  active  reform  work.  Thus 
he  wrote  the  original  civil  service  law  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  as  a  Re- 
publican carried  it  through  the  Legislature.  He  instituted  an  investigation 
into  the  conditions  of  municipal  government  in  the  metropolis  of  the  country, 
and  headed  the  committee  that  made  the  inquiry. 

Young  Republicans  all  over  the  United  States  took  note  of  this  resolute 
new  leader  in  the  great  Empire  State,  and  said  to  one  another,  if  he  shows 
staying  power  we  shall  some  day  make  him  President.  In  1884,  young  as 
he  was,  he  appeared  at  the  National  Republican  Convention  as  one  of  the 
four  delegates  at  large  from  his  State.  Some  of  his  most  trusted  and  re- 
spected friends  in  New  York  and  Massachusetts  who  had  been  prominent 
in  the  cause  of  civil  service  reform  did  not  concur  in  the  Republican  choice 
of  Mr.  Elaine  for  President,  and  launched  an  independent  movement.  Mr. 
Roosevelt,  however,  adhered  to  the  Republican  party  and  supported  the  ticket, 
although  Mr.  Edmunds,  rather  than  Mr.  Elaine,  had  been  his  convention 
preference ;  and  he  set  forth  his  position  in  a  statement  so  clear  and  final 
upon  the  obligations  and  duties  of  party  allegiance,  that  he  would  not  to-day 
alter  a  single  word. 


14  THEODORE    ROOSEVELT. 

SOME  DETAILS  OF  A  BUSY  LIFE. 

In  the  twenty  years  from  this  conspicuous  appearance  of  his  at  the  con- 
vention of  1884  to  the  convention  which  nominated  him  in  1904  his  position 
in  the  Republican  party  and  in  the  country  has  been  one  of  steady  growth, 
until  he  has  now  become  firmly  established  as  the  highest  authority  in  the 
party  and  the  foremost  public  man  of  the  Nation.  From  his  early  days  in 
College  he  had  been  a  devoted  student  of  the  history,  the  geography,  the 
development,  and  the  life  in  all  phases  of  this  great  country.  While  still  a 
member  of  the  New  York  Legislature  he  had  acquired  a  ranch  near  the 
Montana  line  of  North  Dakota,  where  for  several  years  he  spent  much  of  his 
time,  participating  actively  in  pioneer  life,  and  gaining  in  practical  ways  an 
invaluable  knowledge  of  the  processes  of  evolution  through  which  all  Ameri- 
can commonwealths  have  had  to  pass.  His  work  as  a  student  of  books, 
meanwhile,  was  never  dropped,  even  while  he  was  most  busily  engaged  in 
the  affairs  of  current  politics  or  in  frontier  activity.  In  1886  he  was  the  Re- 
publican nominee  for  mayor  of  New  York  City,  but  was  defeated  by  Mr. 
Abram  Hewitt  as  the  Tammany  Democratic  nominee,  around  whom  certain 
conservative  interests  rallied  in  the  fear  that  otherwise  the  third  candidate, 
Mr.  Henry  George,  might  be  elected. 

It  was  not  until  1889  that  Mr.  Roosevelt  again  held  an  office;  but  he  was 
meanwhile  in  more  than  one  way  an  active  and  influential  figure  in  the  busy 
life  of  the  American  people.  In  1882  he  had  published  his  work  on  the  sec- 
ond war  with  Great  Britain,  entitled  "The  Naval  Operations  of  the  War  Be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  1812-1815."  This  at  once  gave 
him  a  place  among  writers  on  American  history  and  also  among  students  of 
naval  strategy.  His  next  book,  which  appeared  in  1886,  was  called  "Hunting 
Trips  of  a  Ranchman."  During  the  following  three  years,  when  he  had  no 
official  duties,  he  gave  his  best  energy  to  the  study  of  the  history  and  de- 
velopment of  the  United  States,  and  embodied  that  study  in  a  series  of 
volumes.  So  industrious  was  he,  indeed,  that  he  brought  out  in  the  years 
1886-1889  (inclusive)  no  fewer  than  seven  volumes  that  will  stand  perma- 
nently to  his  credit.  It  was  in  this  period  that  he  entered  upon  those  re- 
markable studies  of  the  conquest  and  settlement  of  the  Mississippi  Valley 
which  have  taken  form  in  his  four-volume  work  entitled  "The  Winning  of 
the  West,"  of  which  the  first  two  volumes  were  given  to  the  public  in  1889. 
He  had  meanwhile  in  1887  and  1888  contributed  two  volumes  to  the  "Ameri- 
can Statesman"  series,  one  a  life  of  Thomas  H.  Benton,  the  other  a  life  of 
Gouveneur  Morris.  In  1888,  moreover,  appeared  his  volume  entitled  "Essays 
on  Practical  Politics,"  which  has  more  recently  been  brought  out  with  addi- 
tional essays  in  the  volume  called  "American  Ideals."  His  second  book  on 
frontier  life  also  appeared  in  1888  under  the  title  "Ranch  Life  and  Hunting 
Trail." 


THEODORE   ROOSEVELT.  15 

AS  CIVIL  SERVICE  COMMISSIONER. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  had  always  been  interested  in  our  foreign  relations,  and 
was  proposed  for  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  when  President  Harrison's 
administration  began  in  1889;  but  he  was  offered  instead  what  seemed  the 
less  attractive  position  of  civil  service  commissioner.  He  took  the  position 
cheerfully  and  held  it  for  six  years.  During  that  period,  serving  under 
President  Cleveland  as  well  as  President  Harrison,  he  saw  the  methods  of  ap- 
pointment in  the  United  States  almost  completely  transformed.  His  activity 
and  energy  in  this  great  work  of  putting  business-like  method  into  the  detail 
of  the  public  services  brought  him  into  close  contact  with  the  machinery  of 
government  in  all  the  departments,  and  into  relationship  with  cabinet  of- 
ficers, senators,  members  of  Congress,  and  the  whole  personnel  of  administra- 
tion. For  a  young  man  capable  of  taking  on  training,  there  could  have  been 
no  better  school  than  this  for  subsequent  personal  direction  of  that  great 
administrative  machine.  And  when  Roosevelt  left  the  office  Commission 
he  had  served  his  full  apprenticeship  and  was  fit  for  any  public  work,  no 
matter  what  its  responsibilities,  that  might  be  assigned  to  him. 

AS  POLICE  COMMISSIONER  OF  NEW  YORK. 

He  was  in  his  thirty-seventh  year  when,  early  in  1895,  Mayor  Strong 
called  him  from  Washington  to  take  the  presidency  of  the  Police  Board  of 
New  York  City.  He  will  be  in  his  forty-seventh  year  when,  early  in  1905, 
the  victor  in  the  pending  Presidential  campaign  will  be  inaugurated  at  Wash- 
ington. In  these  ten  years  his  career  has  led  him  upward  and  onward  by 
swift  bounds  almost  unprecedented  in  our  political  history ;  but  the  secret  of 
his  advancement  is  to  be  found  in  the  thoroughness  of  his  previous  training. 
As  New  York  Police  Commissioner  he  was  called  upon  to  show  great 
strength  of  character  in  the  observance  of  his  oath  of  office  by  enforcing  un- 
popular laws.  He  left  a  permanent  impress  upon  the  administration  of  the 
great  metropolis.  He  helped  to  solve  some  of  the  most  difficult  police  prob- 
lems for  all  the  cities  of  the  country. 

AS  ASSISTANT  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

He  was  one  of  the  first  to  foresee  the  inevitability  of  the  war  with  Spain. 
He  had  done  what  he  could  for  the  Police  Department  of  New  York,  and 
meanwhile  a  Republican  administration  was  coming  into  power  at  Washing- 
ton. He  was  appointed  by  Mr.  McKinley  as  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  Hon.  John  D.  Long,  of  Massachusetts,  being  head  of  that  department. 
We  were  wholly  unprepared  for  war  either  on  land  or  by  sea.  Of  all  men 
connected  with  the  administration  Roosevelt  most  clearly  perceived  the  fact 
that  although  armies  may  be  made  ready  after  war  breaks  out,  navies  must 
be  prepared  in  advance  or  be  worse  than  useless.  When  he  began  to  enforce 
the  necessity  of  training  in  marksmanship  upon  the  navy,  our  standing  in 
that  regard  was  below  that  of  all  the  leading  naval  powers.  In  less  than 


16  THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 

two  years,  through  the  efforts  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  our  naval  gunners  led 
the  world  in  skill  and  accuracy. 

HIS  SERVICE  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  SPAIN. 

When  the  war  broke  out  Roosevelt  felt  that  his  place  was  at  the  front, 
and  that  there  was  no  longer  need  of  his  services  in  the  Navy  Department. 
He  enlisted  as  a  volunteer,  was  commissioned  with  Dr.  Leonard  Wood  to 
form  the  First  Regiment  of  Volunteer  Cavalry,  known  as  "the  Rough  Rideis," 
won  honor  at  Santiago,  and  with  fresh  laurels  returned  from  Cuba  in  the 
summer  of  1898  as  a  colonel,  recommended  by  President  McKinley  for  a 
brevet  brigadier-generalship  for  gallantry  on  the  field  of  action. 

AS  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  YORK. 

The  political  pendulum  was  swinging  strongly  toward  the  Democratic 
side  in  the  affairs  of  New  York  State.  A  large  sum  of  money  had  been 
spent  to  deepen  the  Erie  Canal  without  effective  results,  and  public  opinion 
had  condemned  the  Republican  party.  In  this  emergency  Roosevelt  was  the 
only  man  in  sight  who  offered  the  Republicans  any  chance  at  all.  He  was 
nominated  without  conditions,  promised  the  people  to  investigate  the  canal 
situation  thoroughly  and  to  expose  and  punish  whatever  wrong-doing  he 
might  find,  and  carried  the  State  triumphantly  because  the  people  had  faith 
in  him.  His  administration  as  governor  was  noteworthy  for  its  efficiency  in 
managing  the  affairs  of  the  Empire  State,  and  for  its  promotion  of  several 
needed  reforms.  He  appointed  the  charter  commission  which  gave  the 
metropolis  its  present  revised  system  of  government;  he  selected  the  tene- 
ment house  commission  which  extended  the  housing  reforms  that  he  had 
begun  as  police  commissioner ;  he  undertook  to  unify  the  control  of  public 
educational  work  in  the  State;  he  secured  the  passage  of  the  far-reaching 
franchise  tax  law ;  he  presented  to  the  Legislature  the  most  statesmanlike 
messages  upon  the  regulation  of  trusts  and  corporations  and  various  taxing 
reforms  that  were  produced  in  any  State  during  that  period, — and  he  had 
before  him  the  certain  prospect  of  a  triumphant  re-election  as  governor  for 
a  second  term  in  the  autumn  of  1900. 

AS  VICE-PRESIDENT. 

His  victory  of  1898,  however,  had  everywhere  attracted  attention  to  his 
availability  for  the  national  ticket  two  years  later.  Mr.  McKinley's  renomina- 
tion  was  conceded,  and  the  Republicans  of  the  country,  especially  in  the 
West,  were  already  talking  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  as  their  probable  candi- 
date for  1904.  He  appeared  at  the  Philadelphia  convention  at  the  head  of 
the  New  York  delegation  just  as  he  had  appeared  sixteen  years  previously 
at  Chicago.  Not  only  was  he  the  most  popular  personal  figure  in  the  con- 
vention, but  he  was  regarded  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  delegates,  for  a 
series  of  reasons,  as  the  most  desirable  man  to  be  associated  with  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley on  the  ticket.  Hence  the  nomination  which  he  sought  to  avoid,  but 


THEODORE   ROOSEVELT.  17 

accepted  when  it  came  as  the  mandate  of  the  party.  He  entered  upon  the 
work  of  the  campaign  with  great  enthusiasm,  and  his  work  as  a  speaker  was 
more  effective  than  that  of  any  other  member  of  his  party.  The  campaign 
over,  he  quietly  resumed  his  literary  work  (he  had  already  written  in  1898 
his  famous  book,  "The  Rough  Riders,"  and  while  governor  wrote  a  char- 
acteristic life  of  Oliver  Cromwell),  visited  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  wrote 
a  remarkable  description  of  the  hunting  of  the  cougar,  and  so — in  place  of 
K'.,  expected  second  term  in  the  intense  activities  of  the  governorship  of 
New  York — he  reconciled  himself  to  the  prospects  of  four  years  of  quiet, 
self-repressed,  observant,  and  studious  life  in  the  dignified  office  of  Vice- 
President. 

TAKING  UP  THE  WORK  LAID  DOWN  BY  PRESIDENT  McKINLEY. 

A  brief  extra  session  had  given  him  opportunity  in  his  new  official  capacity 
to  preside  over  the  Senate.  The  first  regular  session  of  Congress  was  not 
to  begin  until  December,  1901.  In  September,  however,  the  bullet  of  the 
assassin  made  vacant  the  great  office  so  ably  and  honorably  filled  by  President 
McKinley,  and  on  September  14,  1901,  at  Buffalo,  Theodore  Roosevelt  took 
the  oath  of  office  as  President  of  the  United  States,  informing  the  country 
that  it  was  his  purpose  to  take  up  the  work  as  Mr.  McKinley  had  laid  it 
down.  He  has  been  unfailingly  true  to  that  promise.  No  previous  Vice- 
President  ever  came  into  power  through  the  death  of  the  President  without 
almost  immediately  calling  about  him  a  new  cabinet  and  adopting  methods 
and  policies  of  his  own. 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  with  an  individuality  as  strong  as  that  of  any  other  man 
of  his  day,  was  able  to  adjust  himself  at  once  to  the  personnel  and  to  the 
policies  of  the  McKinley  administration,  while  sacrificing  not  one  whit  of  his 
own  personality,  and  while  fixing  in  every  direction  the  impress  of  his  own 
distinctive  methods.  Mr.  McKinley's  cabinet  remained  with  him  to  a  man, 
one  or  two  of  them  who  had  expected  to  retire — Mr.  Gage,  Mr.  Long,  and  Mr. 
Smith,  for  example — keeping  their  places  longer  than  they  otherwise  would 
have  done.  Mr.  Root,  Mr.  Hay,  and  Mr.  Knox  had  the  same  freedom  of 
opportunity  to  carry  on  their  great  departments  as  under  Mr.  McKinley 
himself.  Mr.  Hitchcock  and  Mr.  Wilson  held  steadily  on  their  respective 
courses.  There  was  unity  in  the  cabinet,  there  was  good-will  between  the 
Administration  and  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  there  was  harmony  and 
enthusiasm  in  the  party  at  large.  Senator  Hanna,  as  chairman  of  the  Na- 
tional Committee  and  an  influential  figure  in  Congress,  remained  in  close 
and  confidential  relations  with  the  new  President  to  the  day  of  his  lamented 
death. 

HIS  NOMINATION  IN  1904  A  FOREGONE  CONCLUSION. 

Under  these  circumstances,  with  the  unshaken  confidence  of  the  masses 
of  the  people  and  with  the  enthusiastic  support  of  the  unofficial  rank  and  file 
of  the  Republican  voters,  President  Roosevelt's  nomination  at  Chicago  in 


18  THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 

1904  was  a  foregone  conclusion,  even  though  it  had  never  happened  before 
that  a  President  who  had  come  into  office  to  fill  an  unexpired  term  had 
been  his  party's  choice  for  re-election. 

SOME  OF  THE  ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  PRESIDENT   ROOSEVELT'S 
ADMINISTRATION. 

Under  President  Roosevelt's  administration  a  series  of  great  achieve- 
ments can  be  named,  and  these  will  constitute  a  large  part  of  the  claim  that 
the  Republican  party  makes  in  this  year's  campaign  for  another  lease  of  power. 

CUBA. 

President  McKinley  had  undertaken  to  create  a  new  and  stable  republic  in 
the  island  of  Cuba,  having  intimate  relations  with  this  country,  for  our  own 
advantage  and  for  the  best  welfare  of  the  people  of  the  island.  President 
Roosevelt  completed  that  task ;  insured  the  prosperity  of  Cuba  by  a  mutually 
advantageous  treaty  of  commercial  reciprocity;  established  on  the  south 
coast  of  Cuba  a  great  naval  station  commanding  the  Caribbean  Sea,  and 
thus  put  the  stamp  of  completion  upon  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  highly 
creditable  chapters  in  the  statesmanship  of  any  nation.  We  had  not  gone 
to  Cuba  to  make  war,  but  to  establish  peace ;  and  it  has  been  Theodore 
Roosevelt's  good  fortune  to  play  a  leading  part  in  the  beginning  and  the  end- 
ing of  that  proud  episode. 

THE  PHILIPPINES. 

Again,  through  Secretary  Root,  Judge  Taft,  and  their  associates  and  suc- 
cessors President  Roosevelt  has  given  permanence  to  the  lines  of  humane 
and  progressive  policy  for  the  Philippines,  promoting  education  and  self- 
government  by  every  possible  means,  and  working  steadily  towards  the  pros- 
perity of  the  islands.  His  remarkable  knowledge  of  army  affairs  enabled 
him  to  co-operate  the  more  successfully  with  Secretary  Root  in  the  reor- 
ganization of  'our  military  system.  His  intimate  knowledge  of  naval  affairs 
has  given  the  country  as  well  as  Congress  a  very  general  confidence  in  the 
policy  of  naval  enlargement  and  efficiency  that  has  been  adhered  to  through 
his  administration. 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

No  one  understands  so  well  as  President  Roosevelt  the  manner  in  which 
a  strong  navy  insures  peace  for  this  country.  It  was  the  strength  of  our 
navy  which  made  it  comparatively  easy  for  the  President  to  prevail  upon 
Germany  and  England  to  withdraw  from  their  blockade  of  Venezuela  and 
to  submit  all  points  in  controversy  to  settlement  by  arbitration.  In  dealing 
with  the  various  aspects  of  this  Venezuela  question  the  principles  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  were  accepted  and  strengthened,  and  the  prestige  of  the 
United  States  as  a  just  and  disinterested  arbiter  in  Western  Hemisphere  af- 
fairs was  advanced  to  a  point  never  before  reached.  President  Roosevelt 


THEODORE   ROOSEVELT.  19 

was  besought  to  take  upon  himself  the  arbitration  of  certain  phases  of  the 
Venezuela  dispute,  but  he  sent  the  case  to  The  Hague,  thereby  contributing 
the  greatest  practical  aid  to  the  cause  of  a  permanent  tribunal.  The  settle- 
ment of  the  Alaska  boundary  on  the  basis  of  the  findings  of  an  Anglo- 
American  commission  was  also  a  great  triumph  of  statesmanship  for  which 
President  Roosevelt  is  entitled  to  the  highest  credit. 

THE  ISTHMIAN  CANAL. 

The  Venezuela  and  Alaska  situations  exemplified  talent  of  the  highest 
order  in  the  settlement  of  critical  foreign  questions.  But,  to  many  minds, 
the  crowning  achievement  of  Mr.  Roosevelt  and  his  administration  has  been 
the  removal  of  all  the  series  of  vexatious  obstacles  that  lay  in  the  way  of 
beginning  the  construction  of  the  Isthmian  Canal.  No  man  in  the  United 
States  has  been  more  strongly  impressed  for  many  years  than  President 
Roosevelt  himself  with  the  necessity  of  keeping  the  Isthmian  Canal  under 
the  political  soverignty  and  control  of  the  United  States  Government.  His 
views  on  this  subject  were  frankly  expressed  and  highly  influential  in  the 
final  shaping  of  the  negotiations  with  England  for  the  abrogation  of  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty.  When  it  seemed  best  to  give  up  the  Nicaragua 
route,  President  Roosevelt  stood  firmly  for  a  proper  measure  of  American 
jurisdiction  over  the  Panama  zone.  At  every  step  of  the  negotiations,  first 
with  Colombia  and  then  with  Panama,  his  course  was  marked  by  good  faith  in 
the  highest  degree  and  disinterested  statesmanship  without  a  flaw  or  stain. 
The  final  outcome,  that  of  an  independent  republic  at  Panama  closely  allied 
with  the  United  States,  was  the  best  solution,  probably,  that  could  have  been 
found,  whether  for  North  America,  South  America,  or  the  commercial  na- 
tions of  Europe ;  and  the  citizens  of  Colombia  itself  are  already  perceiving 
that  this  was  the  best  solution  for  them,  and  that  they  are  now  certain  to 
have  all  the  benefits  of  a  canal  on  the  most  favored  terms,  without  any  of 
the  dangers,  costs,  or  responsibilities.  With  his  characteristic  foresight  and 
intelligence,  the  President  has  already  provided  for  the  thorough  sanitation 
of  the  canal  zone,  has  appointed  a  splendidly  qualified  board  of  commis- 
sioners to  construct  the  canal,  and  has  arranged  for  the  effective  policing  and 
government  of  the  ten-mile  strip.  If  re-elected,  he  will  astonish  the  world 
by  the  vigor,  efficiency,  and  essential  economy  with  which  he  will  prosecute 
this  greatest  of  all  engineering  tasks. 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

In  his  proclamations  enjoining  neutrality  in  the  war  between  Russia  and 
Japan,  President  Roosevelt  has  shown  great  tact  as  well  as  a  correct  sense  of 
our  position  under  international  law.  His  leadership  in  securing  from  all 
great  powers,  including  the  combatants  themselves,  the  territorial  restriction 
of  the  war,  will  go  upon  the  record  as  one  of  the  most  beneficent  services  in 
the  history  of  American  diplomacy.  His  promptness  in  defending  American 
rights,  whether  in  Turkey,  Morocco,  Santo  Domingo,  or  elsewhere,  has 


20  THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 

promoted  peace  and  good-will  rather  than  animosity.  Under  his  administra- 
tion our  relations  with  all  nations,  foreign  governments,  and  peoples  have 
been  advanced  to  the  highest  point  of  friendliness  and  mutual  respect  ever 
attained  since  the  beginning  of  our  national  life. 

INTERNAL  ADMINISTRATION. 

In  the  work  of  internal  administration  President  Roosevelt  has  shown 
himself,  on  the  one  hand,  thorough  in  routine  and  a  master  of  detail ;  on 
the  other  hand,  strong  and  constructive  in  policy.  His  whole  training  had 
made  him  pre-eminently  fit  for  the  direction  of  the  machinery  of  the  im- 
mense executive  business  of  government.  Under  him  the  departments  have 
reached  their  highest  pitch  of  efficiency.  Never  before  has  the  work  of 
skilled  and  competent  men  been  so  much  in  demand  or  so  heartily  appre- 
ciated. Never  before  have  the  unworthy  and  the  incompetent  been  so  un- 
sparingly shut  out  from  the  governmental  services.  In  the  Postoffice  De- 
partment there  had  survived  and  developed  in  certain  special  parts  of  the 
vast  organization  some  favoritism,  some  fraud,  and  some  flagrant  dishonesty 
as  the  bad  fruitage  of  a  spoils  system  for  which  both  parties  must  share  the 
blame.  These  evil  conditions  had  escaped  the  vigilance  of  two  or  three 
Congressional  investigations ;  but  President  Roosevelt  has  brought  them  to 
the  light,  sparing  no  culprit,  however  well  connected  or  influentially  sur- 
rounded. Thus  the  people  know  that  in  him  they  have  an  executive  un- 
equalled in  the  reduction  of  the  public  service  to  a  basis  of  honesty,  efficiency, 
and  intelligent  economy. 

It  is  a  great  thing  to  be  able  to  grasp  details  as  well  as  to  formulate 
principles ;  and  to  know  how  to  select  men  as  well  as  to  understand  the  tasks 
to  which  they  are  assigned.  But  President  Roosevelt,  who  excels  in  acting 
as  Uncle  Sam's  foreman  in  running  every  branch  of  his  great  business, 
has  also  shown  a  remarkable  talent  for  domestic  statesmanship  and  for  the 
initiating  of  new  and  better  methods.  Thus  he  has  thrown  himself  into  the 
task  of  improving  Uncle  Sam's  physical  domain,  and  as  a  result  we  have  the 
new  irrigation  policy  which  is  to  add  to  the  Nation's  wealth,  population,  and 
contentment  more  than  any  man  can  now  well  estimate.  We  have  also  the 
new  forestry  policy,  and  many  other  matters  of  note  belonging  in  particular 
to  the  departments  of  Secretary  Wilson  and  Secretary  Hitchcock,  having  to 
do  with  the  country's  material  welfare  and  progress. 

THE  NEW  DEPARTMENT  OF  COMMERCE  AND  LABOR. 

One  of  the  greatest  constructive  achievements  of  President  Roosevelt's 
administration  has  been  the  setting  up  of  a  new  cabinet  department,  that 
of  Commerce  and  Labor.  This  department  groups  together  in  a  convenient 
way  a  number  of  public  services  already  existing,  and  in  addition  it  enables 
the  Government  to  utilize  more  effectively  its  constitutional  power  to  regulate 
commerce  between  the  States  for  the  well-being  of  the  people  and,  further, 


THEODORE   ROOSEVELT.  21 

to  promote  not  only  the  country's  prosperity  in  industry  and  commerce,  but 
also  its  harmony  in  the  relations  between  the  different  factors  of  production. 

DIFFICULT  PROBLEMS  WELL  SOLVED. 

In  everything  let  it  be  said  that,  wherein  it  has  fallen  to  the  President's 
lot  to  deal  with  problems  affecting  the  relations  of  capital  and  labor,  he  has 
not  failed  to  show  the  highest  qualities  of  courage  and  the  highest  sense  of 
justice,  but  he  has  at  all  times  upheld  the  dignity  and  the  supremacy  of  the 
national  Government.  The  anthracite  coal  strike  reached  a  point  where  it 
became  a  grave  national  emergency,  and  the  President  found  a  way  to  settle 
it  which  did  not  strain  in  the  slightest  degree  his  official  prerogative,  while 
it  contributed  greatly  to  the  prestige  of  the  Government,  reassured  the  public, 
and  fixed  a  noble  precedent  in  favor  of  arbitration  at  a  moment  when  the 
strain  between  labor  and  capital  was  the  greatest  ever  known  in  this  country. 

ENFORCEMENT  OF  THE  SHERMAN  ANTI-TRUST  LAW. 

The  measures  taken  by  the  President  through  the  Attorney-General's  of- 
fice for  the  enforcement  of  the  Sherman  anti-trust  law,  however  important 
they  were  as  respects  the  particular  matters  in  dispute,  found  their  greatest 
importance,  after  all,  in  the  assurance  they  gave  that  the  law  is  still  supreme 
in  this  land,  that  the  President  as  Chief  Magistrate  will  enforce  the  law 
against  the  greatest  corporation  as  well  as  against  the  criminal  who  breaks 
open  a  letter-box,  and  that  the  highest  courts,  when  entered  under  the 
President's  instruction  by  an  energetic  Department  of  Justice,  will  interpret 
the  laws  without  fear  or  favor. 

UNFAILING  IN  HIS  SENSE  OF  JUSTICE, 

President  Roosevelt  has  been  unfailing  in  his  sense  of  public  dignity  and 
justice.  He  has  reposed  the  fullest  confidence  in  his  associates  in  executive 
office,  and  has  gloried  in  their  effective  devotion  to  their  work,  relying  upon 
them  and  leaving  them  unhampered,  while  himself  always  in  the  fullest 
sense  the  President  and  the  leader.  His  has  been  an  administration  without 
fads,  without  favorites,  and  without  scandals.  In  army  and  navy  promo- 
tions, as  well  as  in  all  appointments  to  civil  office,  he  has  performed  his  duty 
with  sole  regard  to  the  country's  welfare,  and  with  a  freedom  from  bias  or 
mere  personal  leaning  that  has  never  been  surpassed  if  ever  before  equalled 
in  the  administration  of  any  American  President. 

HE  KNOWS  THE  COUNTRY  AND  ITS  PEOPLE. 

He  knows  the  country  and  all  its  interests  and  resources  from  North  to 
South  and  from  East  to  West.  He  knows  the  plain  people,  in  person  and  in 
type,  as  well  as  he  knows  their  leaders  in  industry  and  education,  in  church 
and  state.  He  has  no  quarrels ;  he  bears  no  grudges ;  he  is  willing  and 
anxious  to  work  with  all  men  who  will  deal  honorably  and  faithfully.  He 


22  THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 

knows  the  history  of  labor,  recognizes  the  services  that  have  been  rendered 
by  associations  of  working  men  for  mutual  benefit,  and  is  so  confident  in 
his  sense  of  good  faith  in  all  his  dealing  with  the  problems  of  labor  and 
capital,  that  he  has  no  fear  of  being  misunderstood  when  he  speaks  with 
perfect  frankness  upon  questions  as  they  arise.  He  knows  the  Indians  and 
sees  that  they  have  justice.  He  knows  the  difficulties  that  beset  the  race 
problem  in  the  South,  but  he  also  holds  that  in  ethics,  as  under  the  Constitu- 
tion and  laws  of  the  United  States,  a  man  is  a  man,  no  matter  what  the 
color  of  his  skin. 

HE  HOLDS  THE  MAN  HIGHER  THAN  THE  DOLLAR. 

While  believing  that  the  rights  of  property  must  be  regarded  and  con- 
served, he  holds  the  man  higher  than  the  dollar.  He  sees  that  in  a  country 
like  ours,  the  radical  and  the  conservative  alike  must  demand  of  their  chief 
executive  that  he  maintain  the  law  as  first  and  supreme  over  rich  and  poor 
alike. 

AN  EXAMPLE  TO  THE  YOUNG  MEN  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 

To  the  young  men  of  the  country,  President  Roosevelt  sets  an  example 
of  the  value  of  a  sound  mind  in  a  sound  body.  His  career  helps  them  to  see 
the  practical  worth  of  industry,  of  system,  of  temperate  living ;  and  helps 
them  to  perceive  that  faith  in  the  highest  public  and  private  ideals  still  holds 
sway  in  our  places  of  highest  honor  and  power. 


CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS 


BY  JAMES  P.  HORNADAY. 

Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  senior  Senator  from  Indiana,  comes  from  a 
long  line  of  New  England  ancestry.  About  a  dozen  years  after  the  town  of 
Boston  was  settled  a  ship  from  England  brought  to  the  colony  one  Jonathan 
Fayerbanke,  his  wife,  four  sons  and  two  daughters.  They  were  Puritans 
and  their  ancestors  for  many  generations  had  been  farmers,  a  part  of  the 
yeomanry  of  England.  In  the  struggle  between  the  crown  and  the  people 
the  Fayerbankes'  followed  Cromwell. 

They  came  to  America  like  the  other  Puritans,  in  search  of  greater  re- 
ligious liberty  than  they  had  enjoyed  in  the  mother  country.  Jonathan  Fayer- 
banke was  a  type  of  the  New  England  Puritan — of  strong  mind,  strong  preju- 
dices and  an  iron  determination.  His  name  is  identified  with  the  foundation 
of  the  town  of  Dedham. 

Nothing  better  illustrates  the  strong-willed  character  of  this  pioneer  than 
an  entry  in  the  church  record : 

"Jonathan  Fayerbanke,  notwithstanding  he  has  long  stood  off  from  ye 
church  upon  some  scruples  about  publik  p'fession  of  faith  and  ye  covenant, 
yet  after  divers  loving  conferences  with  him,  he  made  such  a  declaration  of 
his  faith  and  conversion  to  God  and  p'fession  of  subjection  to  ye  ordinances 
of  XT  in  this  Xyt  he  was  readily  and  gladly  received  by  ye  whole  church 
I4d — 6m. — 1664." 

The  Fayerbanke  family  became  well  known  in  the  early  annals  of  the 
Massachusetts  colony.  The  house  in  which  Jonathan  lived  near  Dedham  was 
occupied  by  his  descendants  until  a  few  years  ago,  when  it  became  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  senior  Senator  from  Indiana,  is  eighth  in 
descent  from  Jonathan  Fayerbanke,  who  settled  at  Dedham,  Mass.,  in  1636. 
The  Senator's  father,  Loriston  Monroe  Fairbanks,  was  a  native  of  Vermont, 
but  before  reaching  manhood,  emigrated  to  Massachusetts.  At  Ware,  in 
the  Bay  State,  he  worked  in  the  woolen  mills,  but  later  he  learned  the 
wagon-maker's  trade,  and  when  he  emigrated  from  Massachusetts  to  Union 
county,  Ohio,  it  was  to  set  up  in  the  wagon-making  business  and  farming. 

The  Senator's  mother,  Mary  Adelaide  Fairbanks,  came  of  a  New  York 
family,  the  Smiths,  of  Columbia  county,  New  York.  They  were  early  emi- 
grants to  Union  county,  Ohio.  Her  brother,  the  late  William  Henry  Smith, 
founded  the  Associated  Press,  and  another  brother,  Charles  W.  Smith,  now 
a  resident  of  Pasadena,  Cal.,  was  a  pioneer  in  railroad  building. 


24  CHARLES   WARREN    FAIRBANKS. 

Senator  Fairbanks'  earliest  recollections  date  from  the  log  cabin  in  which 
he  was  born  May  n,  1852,  which  stood  on  the  edge  of  a  farm  of  216  acres 
in  Union  county,  Ohio.  His  father's  neighbors  were  emigrants  from  New 
England  and  Pennsylvania,  the  latter,  Pennsylvania  Germans,  predomi- 
nating. 

The  log  house  in  which  the  Senator  was  born  was  the  scene  of  the  first 
and  only  tragedy  of  his  life,  and  came  near  ending  him  at  the  age  of  four. 
Workmen  were  engaged  in  building  a  new  frame  house,  and  were  occupying 
the  old  log  house  as  a  workshop.  The  place  was  filled  with  shavings,  and 
the  future  Senator  strayed  into  the  building  in  the  absence  of  the  workmen, 
and  while  replenishing  the  fire  in  the  stove,  he  ignited  the  shavings  on  the 
floor.  The  flames  cut  off  his  retreat  and  his  escape  was  almost  a  miracle. 

The  Senator's  boyhood  life  was  such  as  fell  to  the  average  farmer  boy. 
He  was  early  taught  the  value  of  industry  and  frugality.  He  worked  at 
farm  work  and  attended  the  country  schools  during  the  brief  terms  until  he 
reached  the  age  of  fifteen,  when  he  went  to  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  College  at 
Delaware,  Ohio,  a  few  miles  away.  He  learned  his  earliest  lessons  in  Re- 
publican party  principles  under  inspiring  conditions.  His  father  was  an  in- 
tense anti-slavery  man,  and  gave  employment  and  food  and  shelter  to  fugitive 
slaves.  Charles  was  only  eight  years  old  when  the  presidential  campaign 
which  resulted  in  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  occurred.  A  year  later 
he  witnessed  the  uprising  of  volunteers  from  among  the  farmers  of  the 
neighborhood  in  response  to  impassioned  orations  and  the  roll  of  the  muster 
drum.  With  boyish  wonder  he  saw  the  great  panorama  of  war  unfold.  He 
heard  the  enthusiasm  attending  the  enrollment  of  volunteers.  He  saw 
neighbor  after  neighbor  step  forward  and  subscribe  his  name  to  the  scroll 
of  immortal  fame.  He  followed  the  crowd  of  enthusiastic  advocates  of  the 
Union  and  haters  of  human  slavery,  as  they  marched  to  the  railroad  sta- 
tion, and  he  heard  the  last  farewell  shouts  which  inspired  the  raw  volunteers 
as  they  climbed  into  box  cars  and  were  borne  away  to  the  battle  fields  of  the 
republic. 

The  career  of  young  Fairbanks  at  college  was  distinguished  for  sincere 
and  diligent  application  to  his  studies.  As  a  student  he  won  and  has  since 
held  the  respect  and  confidence  of  classmates  and  faculty.  Some  of  his 
closest  friends  to-day  are  of  the  alumni  of  the  Ohio  Wesleyan  College.  It 
was  as  a  student  there  that  he  met  Miss  Cornelia  Cole,  daughter  of  Judge 
Cole,  of  Marysville,  Ohio.  They  were  co-editors  of  the  college  paper.  The 
friendship  thus  formed  ripened  into  love  and  as  soon  as  Mr.  Fairbanks  had 
graduated  from  college  and  prepared  himself  for  his  profession,  they  were 
married. 

In  college  Mr.  Fairbanks  enjoyed  such  meager  advantages  as  a  farmer 
in  moderate  circumstances  could  extend  to  his  son.  He  and  a  fellow-student 
shared  a  room  and  did  their  own  cooking.  Economy  and  self-reliance  were, 
in  a  measure,  necessary,  and  had  they  not  been,  would  have  been  encouraged 
by  parents  who  knew  the  value  of  them  as  a  foundation  for  character. 


CHARLES   WARREN    FAIRBANKS.  25 

Young  Fairbanks  and  his  room-mate  secured  much  of  their  supplies  from 
their  parents  on  the  farm,  who  came  Saturday,  bringing  baskets.  They  aug- 
mented their  financial  resources  by  working  out  of  school  hours.  Young 
Fairbanks  engaged  to  do  carpenter  work  and  roofing,  and  in  that  way  secured 
a  fair  education  in  manual  training  and  the  use  of  carpenter's  tools.  With 
money  saved  from  his  earnings  as  a  carpenter  he  purchased  his  first  law 
books  that  were  to  serve  him  is  a  student  of  law  after  leaving  college.  The 
impression  made  upon  his  college  mates  by  young  Fairbanks  was  that  of  a 
typical  country  lad,  six  feet  tall,  a  little  awkward  in  his  movements,  slow 
of  speech,  very  slim,  sincerely  devoted  to  the  task  of  getting  through  college 
and  becoming  a  lawyer,  and  ambitious.  He  took  a  serious  view  of  life,  was 
not  given  to  college  pranks  and  seldom  joked.  He  graduated  with  the  re- 
spect of  all  and  his  college  life  was  free  from  moral  blemish.  It  is  not  re- 
corded that  he  distinguished  himself  specially  in  the  matter  of  scholarship 
or  prizes,  but  he  was  rated  as  a  "good  student."  After  leaving  college,  young 
Fairbanks  went  to  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  where  for  a  time  he  acted  as  agent  of  the 
Associated  Press,  then  in  its  infancy  as  a  news  collecting  and  distributing 
agency. 

In  the  campaign  of  18/2  he  reported  the  great  Democratic  and  liberal 
'Republican  rally  at  Pittsburg,  at  which  Horace  Greely  made  a  remarkable 
speech. 

After  remaining  in  Pittsburg  for  a  year  or  more,  during  which  he  applied 
himself  assiduously  to  the  study  of  law,  he  went  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  com- 
pleted his  studies,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  that 
State,  after  attending  a  term  at  the  Cleveland  Law  School. 

Having  secured  his  admission  to  the  bar,  Mr.  Fairbanks  was  married  to 
Miss  Cornelia  Cole,  the  object  of  his  college  love,  and  decided  to  locate  in 
Indianapolis  for  the  practice  of  law.  He  hung  out  his  shingle  in  1874. 

Prior  to  going  to  Indianapolis,  it  was  suggested  that  he  accept  the  nom- 
ination as  member  of  the  Ohio  Legislature  of  his  home  county  in  Ohio,  and 
enter  politics.  But  young  Fairbanks  had  no  political  ambitions  at  that  time 
and  elected  to  follow  a  professional  career. 

The  early  professional  career  of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  was  much  the 
same  as  that  of  the  average  young  lawyer.  His  first  clients  were  some  of 
his  Ohio  neighbors.  He  had  no  money  except  what  came  to  him  from  his 
profession  and  it  came  slowly  at  first.  He  and  his  young  wife  began  life  in  a 
boarding  house.  As  the  young  lawyer's  practice  grew  they  furnished  a 
modest  home,  and  later  moved  into  one  of  more  pretentious  architecture  and 
costlier  furnishings.  Their  present  home,  into  which  they  moved  about  three 
years  ago,  is  located  at  1522  North  Meridian  street.  It  is  a  modest  but  com- 
fortable two-story  frame,  with  a  porch  extending  along  the  south  side, 
beautifully  shaded  and  overlooking  a  large  lawn  which  affords  one  of  the 
handsomest  building  sites  in  Indianapolis.  The  Senator's  nearest  neighbors 
are  ex-Minister  Addison  C.  Harris  and  Governor  Durbin. 


26  CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS. 

The  years  from  1874,  when  he  first  commenced  the  practice  in  Indian- 
apolis, until  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate,  were  devoted  by  Mr.  Fairbanks  to 
law.  His  law  library  grew  with  his  practice  until  it  became  one  of  the  most 
extensive,  best  selected  and  most  used  of  any  in  the  middle  West.  Mr.  Fair- 
banks' clientage  grew  proportionately.  It  included  some  of  the  leading  busi- 
ness men  of  Boston,  New  York  and  the  large  Eastern  cities.  His  fees  were 
unusually  large  for  the  lawyer  of  that  day.  Always  a  zealous  Republican, 
Mr.  Fairbanks  found  time  from  a  busy  professional  career  to  take  active  part 
in  every  Republican  campaign  in  Indiana.  His  counsel  and  assistance  were 
sought  by  party  leaders.  Before  he  ever  held  office  he  had  spoken  in  every 
county  in  Indiana,  and  was  known  personally  to  the  voters  throughout  the 
State.  He  contributed  freely  of  his  time  and  money  to  the  Republican  cause. 
His  speeches,  like  his  other  political  services,  were  much  in  demand.  Among 
the  strong  political  friendships  he  made  in  his  early  career  in  Indiana  and 
which  continued  unbroken,  was  that  with  the  Hon.  Walter  Q.  Gresham. 
Judge  Gresham  formed  a  strong  liking  for  the  young  lawyer  who  frequently 
appeared  in  the  federal  court.  He  admired  his  ability,  positive  qualities  and 
sincerity,  and  when  in  1888  Judge  Gresham's  name  was  taken  up  by  leading 
Republicans  of  the  country  for  the  Presidency,  Mr.  Fairbanks  became  one 
of  the  judge's  enthusiastic  advocates.  Just  prior  to  the  Chicago  convention 
of  that  year,  Judge  Gresham  asked  Mr.  Fairbanks  who  was  at  the  head  of 
the  Gresham  forces  in  Indiana,  to  take  charge  of  the  Gresham  candidacy  dur- 
ing the  convention  and  direct  it 

Mr.  Fairbanks  returned  to  Indiana  and  at  once  actively  entered  into  the 
campaign  in  behalf  of  the  presidential  nominee,  General  Harrison.  The  strong 
personal  friendship  with  Judge  Gresham  remained  up  to  the  time  of  the  lat- 
ter's  death  as  Secretary  of  State  in  President  Cleveland's  cabinet.  The 
mutations  of  politics  did  not  break  or  lessen  it.  Among  the  treasured  posses- 
sions of  Senator  Fairbanks  are  portraits  of  his  late  friend,  one  of  which 
adorns  the  walls  of  his  home  library,  and  the  other  a  conspicuous  place  in 
his  office. 

While  the  personal  friendship  formed  in  the  early  political  struggles  in 
Indiana  remained  unbroken  until  Judge  Gresham's  death,  the  two  friends 
had  nothing  in  common  in  their  political  views  during  Judge  Gresham's  later 
years.  Judge  Gresham  entertained  certain  political  views  which  one  of  his 
independent  spirit  and  sympathetic  and  candid  nature  found  it  impossible  to 
conceal.  Once  they  were  known  he  found  a  door  open  and  an  hospitable 
welcome  awaiting  him  in  the  Democratic  party.  Mr.  Fairbanks  shared  none 
of  these  views.  He  was  an  ardent  believer  in  maintaining  the  Republican 
policy  of  protection,  being  in  hearty  accord  with  William  McKinley.  He  did 
more  than  any  other  one  person  to  commit  the  Republican  party  in  Indian? 
to  the  gold  standard  in  its  platform  of  1896,  preceding  the  St.  Louis  con- 
vention. In  fact,  it  is  generally  understood  that  the  money  plank  in  the 
State  platform  was  his  work,  and  coming  at  a  critical  time,  it  had  a  strong 


CHARLES   WARREN    FAIRBANKS.  27 

impression  on  Republican  thought  and  in  moulding  a  sentiment  which  led  to 
the  adoption  of  the  sound  money  platform  of  1896. 

Major  John  M.  Carson,  dean  of  the  Washington  correspondents,  and 
clerk  to  the  ways  and  means  committee  when  Major  McKinley  was  chair- 
man, wrote  to  the  Philadelphia  Public  Ledger,  under  date  of  March  26, 
1904,  on  this  point  : 

"Fairbanks  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Indiana  delegation  to  the  St. 
Louis  convention,  and  was  made  temporary  chairman  of  that  body,  deliver- 
ing a  speech  that  attracted  wide  attention  and  contributed  to  fixing  the  status 
of  the  party  on  the  money  question.  That  convention  declared  against  the 
free  coinage  of  silver,  and  it  was  largely  due  to  the  persistent  efforts  of  Mr. 
Fairbanks  and  a  few  other  sagacious  and  conservative  men  that  that  declara- 
tion was  made.  It  has  been  claimed  that  the  action  of  the  Indiana  Republi- 
can State  convention  in  1896  had  a  very  salutary  influence  on  the  Republi- 
can National  convention  of  the  same  year  in  declaring  for  the  gold  standard." 
Senator  Fairbanks'  entry  as  a  positive  force  in  national  Republican  politics 
may  be  said  to  date  from  the  St.  Louis  Republican  convention  of  1896,  and 
the  events  leading  up  to  it.  While  he  enjoyed  a  wide  professional  and  busi- 
ness acquaintance  from  his  legal  career,  having  practiced  in  the  leading  courts 
of  the  country,  and  at  the  same  time  having  enjoyed  an  acquaintance  with 
national  Republican  leaders  on  account  of  his  participation  in  the  Republican 
national  conventions  of  1888  and  1892,  his  friends  regard  the  stirring  political 
events  of  1896  as  the  real  signal  for  the  suspension  of  the  professional  and 
the  beginning  of  the  official  political  career. 

Mr.  Fairbanks  and  Major  McKinley  had  been  friends  of  many  years' 
standing.  Both  were  Ohio  born,  both  ardent  members  of  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church,  and  in  exact  accord  in  their  political  views.  In  tempera- 
ment their  mutual  friends  believe  they  were  much  alike. 

Mr.  Fairbanks  had  many  clients  in  Ohio  and  knew  the  State  and  its  Re- 
publican leaders  and  traditions  appealed  to  him.  It  was  most  natural,  there- 
fore, that  Mr.  Fairbanks  should  attach  himself  to  the  fortunes  of  Major  Mc- 
Kinley in  the  preliminary  organization  leading  up  to  the  campaign  of  1896. 
He  took  charge  of  the  work  in  Indiana  and  was  influential  in  organizing  the 
State.  He  impressed  his  personality  upon  the  convention  and  its  declaration 
of  principles.  He  was  chosen  as  a  delegate-at-large  to  the  St.  Louis  con- 
vention, and  soon  afterward  it  was  announced  that  Major  McKinley,  whose 
nomination  was  then  a  foregone  conclusion,  had  invited  Mr.  Fairbanks  to  be 
temporary  chairman  of  the  convention.  His  speech  as  temporary  chairman 
attracted  wide  attention.  It  was  a  keynote  for  the  approaching  campaign, 
which  was  to  be  one  of  the  most  important  in  its  results  on  the  financial  and 
industrial  condition  of  the  American  people  in  the  country's  history. 

Mr.  Fairbanks'  personality  was  everywhere  in  evidence  in  the  St.  Louis 
convention,  and  his  counsel  was  eagerly  sought.  In  the  campaign  that  fol- 
lowed he  was  invited  to  speak  in  nearly  all  the  Northern  States,  and  re- 
sponded as  far  as  was  consistent  with  his  duty  to  his  party  in  Indiana.  In 


"28  CHARLES   WARREN    FAIRBANKS. 

that  campaign  and  the  national  campaigns  that  have  followed,  he  has  ac- 
cepted invitations  to  speak,  and  addressed  audiences  in  nearly  every  Northern 
State  from  Maine  to  California.  His  speeches  have  always  been  much  in 
•demand,  his  audiences  for  the  most  part  large  and  enthusiastic. 

The  State  of  Indiana  which  in  recent  years  had  developed  great  indus- 
trial activity,  particularly  in  the  natural  gas  belt,  showed  an  interest  in  the 
restoration  of  the  protective  tariff.  The  State  was  the  center,  also,  of  a 
strong  gold  Democratic  propaganda.  "Sound  money  and  protection"  were 
the  watch-words  employed  by  the  Republicans  that  year  to  wrest  the  State, 
which  had  a  Democratic  Governor  and  two  Democratic  United  States  Sena- 
tors, from  the  Democratic  party.  In  this  fight,  which  was  made  on  the  basis 
of  a  thorough  political  organization  of  the  State,  Mr.  Fairbanks  was  easily 
leader.  He  returned  from  the  St.  Louis  convention  with  additional  political 
prestige,  if  possible,  and  his  friends  began  the  work  of  organizing  the  State 
in  behalf  of  his  Senatorial  candidacy.  The  Republicans  carried  Indiana  on 
national  and  State  tickets  that  year  by  about  20,000,  a  surprising  victory  in 
view  of  the  alternating  currents  of  political  victory  that  had  characterized 
Hoosier  political  performances  for  years  previously.  The  Legislature  was 
safely  Republican.  In  the  Republican  caucus  which  followed  in  January,  1897, 
Mr.  Fairbanks  was  nominated  for  United  States  Senator  on  the  first  ballot 
over  a  field  of  strong  candidates. 

Thus  Mr.  Fairbanks  achieved,  without  serious  struggle  and  with  the  best 
of  party  feeling,  his  first  ambition  to  hold  office.  It  was  the  third  time  his 
name  had  been  before  the  party  for  office  in  Indiana.  The  first  time  his 
friends  brought  forward  his  name  Governor  Hovey  was  given  the  honor 
of  the  caucus  nomination.  The  party  was  in  the  minority,  and  Senator 
Daniel  W.  Voorhees,  destined  to  be  defeated  by  Mr.  Fairbanks  six  years 
later,  was  elected.  The  second  time  Senator  Fairbanks'  name  was  presented 
for  the  office  he  received  the  caucus  nomination  but  was  defeated  by  Senator 
Turpie,  the  Legislature  being  Democratic.  At  that  time  Mr.  Fairbanks  re- 
ceived the  unanimous  vote  of  his  party  in  the  joint  assembly,  as  he  did  in 
the  winter  of  1897,  which  resulted  in  his  election. 

Few  men  have  entered  the  United  States  Senate  under  more  favorable 
conditions  than  those  which  attended  Senator  Fairbanks'  advent,  March  4, 
1897.  The  day  marked  the  restoration  of  the  Republican  party  to  power 
after  four  years  of  Democratic  rule,  accompanied  by  an  industrial  and  finan- 
cial blight  that  had  prostrated  American  energy.  In  the  White  House  sat 
a  President  who  took  his  oath  of  office  at  the  same  hour  with  Senator  Fair- 
banks, and  between  whom  and  the  Senator  had  existed  a  friendship  of  many 
years'  standing.  The  new  Senator  wore  the  distinction  of  having  redeemed 
a  Democratic  State.  He  was  destined  by  circumstances  and  ability  to  play 
a  conspicuous  part  in  the  new  administration  which  was  to  restore  the  pro- 
tective tariff  policy,  place  the  country's  finances  on  a  sound  basis,  wage  a 
successful  war  with  the  kingdom  of  Spain  in  the  interest  of  humanity  and 
play  a  part  in  administrative  policies,  connected  with  the  accession  of  the 
United  States  to  the  foremost  rank  of  world  powers. 


CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS.  29 

Mr.  Fairbanks  took  a  high  rank  in  the  Senate  from  the  day  he  entered. 
He  entered  actively  into  the  work  of  the  extra  session  which  passed  the 
Dingley  tariff  bill,  thus  increasing  the  revenues,  restoring  the  surplus  and  in- 
cidentally reinstating  the  gold  reserve  redemption  fund,  the  steady  diminu- 
tion of  which  during  the  four  years  previous,  had  been  of  serious  concern 
to  the  financial  and  business  interests  of  the  country.  He  was  equally  prom- 
inent in  the  legislation  revising  the  currency  laws  which  followed  the  Dingley 
bill  as  a  restorative  measure.  He  had  been  one  of  the  first  to  raise  his  voice 
in  behalf  of  maintaining  the  national  credit  inviolate,  and  to  that  end  placing 
the  currency  of  the  country  upon  a  single  gold  standard.  His  early  views 
on  the  question  are  known  and  the  important  part  he  played  in  committing 
the  Republican  party  to  a  sound  money  policy.  His  early  zeal  for  the  cause 
found  expression  later  in  speeches  and  wise  counsel  while  currency  legislation 
was  being  shaped. 

Senator  Fairbanks  went  at  once  to  the  head  of  the  Senate  committee  on 
immigration.  The  subject  was  one  which  had  interested  him  for  years. 
He  felt  there  could  be  no  more  profitable  study  than  that  which  concerned 
the  character  of  immigration  yearly  pouring  into  this  country  to  enter  into 
the  national  life  and  be  assimulated  with  its  customs  and  habits  into  the 
nation's  citizenship.  To  the  study  of  this  subject  he  gave  the  most  earnest 
consideration,  visiting  the  immigration  stations  of  the  country,  and  putting 
himself  in  daily  touch  with  the  officers  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  ad- 
ministering the  immigration  laws.  The  results  of  his  research  and  labors  took 
the  form  of  a  speech  which  was  widely  read  and  commended. 

Although  Senator  Fairbanks  afterward  took  a  step  higher  to  the  chair- 
manship of  the  Committee  on  Public  Buildings  and  Grounds,  his  interest  in 
the  immigration  question  has  never  abated.  In  the  last  Congress  he  was 
second  on  the  Committee  of  Immigration. 

In  the  agitation  which  preceded  the  declaration  of  war  with  Spain,  aroused 
by  reports  of  Spanish  cruelty  in  Cuba,  and  brought  to  a  crisis  by  the  blowing 
up  of  the  battleship  Maine,  Senator  Fairbanks  was  one  of  the  President's 
closest  advisers.  He  was  at  the  White  House  almost  daily,  participating,  with 
other  members  of  the  administration,  in  conferences  that  lasted  not  infre- 
quently far  into  the  night,  the  purpose  of  which  was,  if  possible,  to  devise 
some  way  to  secure  the  amelioration  of  conditions  in  Cuba  without  blood- 
shed. The  cloud  of  anxiety  and  care  which  hung  like  a  pall  over  these  de- 
liberations was  best  expressed  in  President  McKinley's  words,  uttered  on 
one  of  these  occasions : 

"I  do  not  care  for  the  money  that  will  be  wasted,  or  the  property  de- 
stroyed, but  the  thought  of  the  human  agony  and  distress  that  must  come  to 
countless  homes  almost  overwhelms  me." 

Through  this  period  of  popular  unrest,  which  at  one  time  even  threatened 
to  overwhelm  Congress,  Senator  Fairbanks  stood  with  the  cool-headed  con- 
servatives in  support  of  President  McKinley's  policy. 


30  CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS. 

In  May,  1897,  he  introduced  a  resolution,  supposed  to  have  had  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  President,  and  submitted  after  careful  consideration,  as  a  solution 
of  the  trouble  in  Cuba.  It  requested  the  President  to  tender  his  good  of- 
fices toward  securing  a  cessation  of  hostilities  in  Cuba  and  an  amelioration 
of  the  conditions  there.  Later,  when  all  pacific  measures  failed,  and  the  Presi- 
dent, in  a  special  message  to  Congress,  called  attention  to  his  inability  to 
bring  about  order  through  peaceful  overtures,  and  asked  Congress  to  act, 
Senator  Fairbanks  advocated  a  speedy  prosecution  of  the  war.  He  was 
thoroughly  in  sympathy  with  the  President's  policy  throughout.  The  war 
over,  he  vigorously  supported  the  peace  measures  and  voted  for  the  Presi- 
dent's policies  looking  to  peace  and  the  holding  of  the  Philippines. 

Senator  Fairbanks  conceived  the  idea  of  extending  aid  to  the  stricken 
inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Martinique  after  the  volcanic  eruption.  As  soon 
as  the  news  of  the  disaster  was  confirmed,  he  prepared  and  introduced  a  bill 
authorizing  the  expenditure  of  $100,000  for  relief.  The  bill  promptly  passed 
the  Senate  without  a  reference  to  a  committee.  In  the  House  there  was 
mild  opposition  raised  from  the  Democratic  side,  but  the  bill  passed  without 
serious  delay.  Senator  Fairbanks  was  thanked  by  the  French  Government. 

Senator  Fairbanks  was  named  by  President  McKinley  as  one  of  the 
American  Commissioners  of  the  United  States  and  British  Joint  High  Com- 
mission, and  was  Chairman  of  the  American  Commissioners.  His  services 
on  that  Commission  is  regarded  by  many  as  one  of  the  most  important  and 
useful  of  his  public  acts.  Lord  Herschel  was  President  of  the  British 
Canadian  Joint  High  Commission.  This  Commission  held  one  session  at 
Quebec,  and  later  a  protracted  session  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  and  practically 
reached  a  conclusion  on  most  of  the  questions  before  that  Commission  ex- 
cept the  Alaska  boundary  question,  which,  within  the  last  year,  was  referred 
to  a  special  Commission,  of  which  ex-Secretary  of  War  Elihu  Root,  Senator 
Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  and  ex-Senator  George  Turner,  of  Washington, 
were  the  Commission  on  behalf  of  the  United  States. 

The  principal  questions  before  the  United  States  and  British  Joint  High 
Commission,  aside  from  the  Alaska  boundary  question,  were  the  proposed 
abrogation  of  the  Rush-Bagot  treaty  of  1817,  which  prohibited  the  building  or 
maintaining  of  war  vessels  above  a  certain  tonnage  on  the  Great  Lakes,  the 
lake  fisheries  question  and  Canadian  reciprocity.  Since  the  death  of  Lord 
Herschel,  Chairman  of  the  British-Canadian  Commission,  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier 
has  been  the  most  active  member. 

Senator  Fairbanks  has  been  much  in  demand  throughout  the  country  as  a 
public  speaker.  Aside  from  his  political  speeches,  which  have  been  a  feature 
of  every  national  and  biennial  congressional  campaign  since  and  including 
the  campaign  of  1896,  he  has  spoken  at  numerous  celebrations  and  anni- 
versaries, and  at  college  commencements,  state  fairs,  and  political  clubs.  His 
most  notable  addresses  of  this  class  were  his  speech  to  the  graduates  of  Baker 
University,  Kansas,  the  address  before  the  monster  Labor  Day  celebration 
at  Kansas  City,  in  1902,  an  address  at  the  Minnesota  State  Fair,  in  1903,  a 


CHARLES   WARREN    FAIRBANKS.  31 

speech  on  the  occasion  of  the  celebration  of  the  25Oth  anniversary  of  the 
founding  of  the  town  of  Lancaster,  Mass.,  and  his  address  on  the  I25th  anni- 
versary of  the  battle  of  Monmouth. 

On  account  of  his  close  friendship  for  the  late  President  McKinley,  he  was 
invited  to  deliver  the  address  at  the  unveiling  of  the  McKinley  monument 
at  Toledo,  Ohio,  last  year. 

He  has  been  the  guest  and  has  delivered  addresses  at  the  principal 
political  clubs  in  New  York,  Boston,  Chicago,  Philadelphia,  Pittsburg,  St. 
Louis,  and  all  the  other  large  cities  of  the  country. 

Senator  Fairbanks  was  a  delegate-at-large  to  the  Philadelphia  convention 
of  1900,  and  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  which  reported 
the  national  platform  that  year. 

He  has  been  chosen  a  delegate-at-large  from  Indiana  to  the  convention  of 
1904  at  Chicago.  He  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate  in  1903,  at  the  expiration 
of  his  first  term,  without  opposition  in  his  own  party.  He  received  in  the 
joint  assembly  of  the  Indiana  Legislature  that  year  a  larger  majority  than  was 
ever  given  before  to  any  Republican  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate  in 
the  history  of  the  State. 

Senator  Fairbanks  was  invited  by  President  McKinley  at  one  time  to  be- 
come a  member  of  his  cabinet. 

From  the  time  Mr.  Fairbanks  entered  the  Senate,  in  March,  1897,  until 
the  present  time,  he  has  refrained  from  engaging  in  any  law  practice.  He 
has  given  his  time  absolutely  and  exclusively  to  the  government  service. 

Senator  and  Mrs.  Fairbanks  have  always  retained  a  lively  interest  in  the 
prosperity  of  their  alma  mater,  and  the  Senator  has  been  for  a  number  of 
years  one  of  the  trustees.  His  eldest  son  and  his  only  daughter  are  of  the 
alumni  of  this  institution.  Senator  and  Mrs.  Fairbanks  are  members  of  the 
Meridian  Street  M.  E.  Church,  of  Indianapolis,  and  the  Senator  is  a  Trustee 
in  the  Church. 

The  children,  in  the  order  of  their  ages,  are,  the  daughter,  Adelaide,  wife 
of  Ensign  John  W.  Timmons,  of  the  U.  S.  S.  Kearsarge;  Warren  C,  who 
recently  married  Miss  Ethel  Cassidy,  of  Pittsburg,  and  who  is  a  director  of 
the  Oliver  Typewriter  Works,  in  Chicago ;  Frederick  C.,  a  graduate  of 
Princeton  University,  Class  of  1903,  and  who  is  now  a  student  at  the  Co- 
lumbian University  Law  School  in  Washington,  D.  C.  The  third  son,  Rich- 
ard, is  in  the  junior  year  at  Yale  College,  and  the  fourth  son,  and  youngest 
child,  Robert,  is  a  student  at  Phillips  Academy,  Andover,  Mass.,  preparing 
for  Princeton. 

Senator  Fairbanks'  mother  is  still  living,  and  is  nearly  seventy-five  years 
of  age.  She  spends  her  winters  with  the  Senator's  family  in  Washington, 
and  the  rest  of  the  season  is  generally  spent  with  her  daughter,  Mrs.  M.  L, 
Milligan,  of  Springfield,  Ohio.  The  Senator's  father  died  in  the  winter  of 
1900,  and  is  buried  at  Springfield,  Ohio.  Senator  Fairbanks'  only  sister  is  the 
wife  of  ex-Mayor  M.  L.  Milligan,  of  Springfield,  Ohio,  President  of  the 
Springfield  Foundry  Company  and  other  manufacturing  plants.  He  has  a 


32  CHARLES   WARREN   FAIRBANKS. 

brother,  Newton  H.  Fairbanks,  who  is  also  connected  with  the  same  com- 
panies. Another  brother,  W.  D.  Fairbanks,  is  President  of  the  First  National 
Bank  of  Mansfield,  Illinois,  and  a  wealthy  landowner  and  farmer.  Another 
brother,  Luther  M.,  is  a  capitalist  and  real  estate  dealer  in  Mansfield,  Illinois. 

He  was  called  to  be  one  of  the  Trustees  of  the  McKinley  Memorial  As- 
sociation, of  which  Associate  Justice  Day,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  is  President, 
and  was  made  a  member  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Trustees. 

Senator  Fairbanks  is  President  of  the  Benjamin  Harrison  Monument 
Association  of  Indianapolis.  This  Association  has  raised  about  $50,000,  and 
proposes  to  erect  a  monument  to  General  Harrison  on  the  site  of  the  new 
public  building  in  course  of  construction  in  Indianapolis. 

Senator  Fairbanks'  life  in  Washington  is  characterized  by  a  generous  but 
unostentatious  hospitality.  His  family  occupies  the  Van  Wyck  house,  near 
Dupont  Circle  in  the  residence  section  of  the  city.  The  house  is  admirably 
adapted  for  entertaining. 

Mrs.  Fairbanks  occupies  a  social  leadership  in  Washington  because  of 
her  charming  qualities  as  hostess,  and  by  virtue  of  her  position  as  President 
General  of  the  Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution. 


HON.    GEORGE    B.    CORTELYOU,    of    New    York, 
Chairman  of   the    Republican    National    Committee    (1904). 


REPUBLICAN 

NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 


GEO.  B.  CORTELYOU,  New  York,  Chairman. 

ELMER  DOVER,  Ohio,  Secretary. 

C.  N.  BLISS,  New  York,  Treasurer. 

WILLIAM  F.  STONE,  Maryland,  Sergeant-at-Arms. 


EXECUTIVE   COMMITTEE. 


EASTERN  HEADQUARTERS 

No.  I  Madison  Avenue,  New  York 


CHARLES  F.  BROOKER,  Connecticut. 
N.  B.  SCOTT,  West  Virginia. 

FRANKLIN  MURPHY,  New  Jersey. 

WILLIAM  L.  WARD,  New  York. 

C.  N.  BLISS,  New  York. 


WESTERN  HEADQUARTERS 

Auditorium  Hotel,  Chicago. 


HARRY  S.  NEW,  Indiana. 

FRANK  O.  LOWDEN,  Illinois. 

R.  B.  SCHNEIDER,  Nebraska. 

DAVID  W.  MULVANE,  Kansas. 

GEO.  A.  KNIGHT,  California. 
ELMER  DOVER,  Ohio. 


HON.   ELMER    DOVER,  of  Ohio, 
Secretary  of  the  National   Republican  Committee. 


Republican  National  Committee 


STATE.  NAME.  P.  O.  ADDRESS. 

Alabama    CHAS.    H.    SCOTT Montgomery. 

Arkansas    POWELL.  CLAYTON Eureka     Springs     and     City     of 

Mexico. 

California    GEORGE  A.    KNIGHT San   Francisco. 

Colorado    A.   M.   STEVENSON Denver. 

Connecticut    CHARLES   F.   BROOKER. . .  Ansonia. 

Delaware    JOHN  EDWARD  ADDICKS.  Wilmington. 

Florida    J.   N.  COOMBS Apalachicola. 

Georgia   JUDSON   W.    LYONS Augusta  and   Washington,  D.  C. 

Idaho    W.    B.    HEYBURN Wallace. 

Illinois    FRANK  O.  LOWDEN Chicago. 

Indiana    HARRY  S.  NEW Indianapolis. 

Iowa   ERNEST  E.    HART Council    Bluffs. 

Kansas  DAVID   W.    MULVANE Topeka. 

Kentucky   JOHN    W.    YERKES Danville  and  Washington,  D.  C. 

Louisiana   

Maine    JOHN   F.   HILL Augusta. 

Maryland    LOUIS  E.  McCOMAS Hagerstown. 

Massachusetts W.    MURRAY   CRANE Dalton. 

Michigan    JOHN  W.  BLODGETT Grand  Rapids. 

Minnesota    FRANK  B.   KELLOGG St.   Paul. 

Mississippi    L.   B.   MOSELE Y Jackson. 

Missouri    THOMAS    J.    AKINS St.  Louis. 

Montana   JOHN  D.  WAITE Lewistown. 

Nebraska    CHAS.  H.  MORRILL Lincoln. 

Nevada    PATRICK  L.   FLANIGAN. . .  Reno. 

New  Hampshire  ...FRANK    S.    STREETER Concord. 

New   Jersey FRANKLIN    MURPHY Newark. 

New   York WM.   L.   WARD Port  Chester. 

North   Carolina E.   C.   DUNCAN Raleigh. 

North    Dakota ALEXANDER  McKENZIE . .  Bismarck. 

Ohio    MYRON   T.   HERRICK Cleveland. 

Oregon   CHAS.   H.   CAREY Portland. 

Pennsylvania    BOIES  PENROSE Philadelphia    and     Washington, 

D.   C. 

Rhode   Island CHARLES  R.   BRAYTON. ..  Providence. 

South  Carolina JOHN  G.  CAPERS Charleston. 

South  Dakota J.    M.    GREENE Chamberlain. 

Tennessee    WALTER  P.  BROWNLOW.  Jonesboro       and       Washington, 

D.  C. 

Texas  CECIL  A.  LYON Sherman. 

Utah    C.    E.    LOOSE Provo. 

Vermont  JAMES  W.  BROCK Montpelier. 

Virginia    GEORGE   E.    BOWDEN Norfolk. 

Washington   LEVI   ANKENY Walla    Walla    and    Washington, 

D.   C. 

West   Virginia N.  B.  SCOTT Wheeling  and  Washington,  D.  C. 

Wisconsin    HENRY  C.  PAYNE Milwaukee      and      Washington, 

D.   C. 
Wyoming    GEO.   E.   PEXTON..._. Evanston. 

Territories,  District  of  Columbia,  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico 
and  Philippine  Islands 

Alaska  JOHN  J.  HEID : Juneau. 

Arizona    W.   S.    STURGES Phoenix. 

New   Mexico SOLOMON   LUNA Los    Lunas. 

Oklahoma   C.  M.  CADE Shawnee. 

Indian  Territory. ..  P.  L.  SOPER Vinita. 

Dist.    of  Columbia.  ROBERT    REYBURN Washington,    D.    C. 

Hawaii    A.   G.   M.   ROBERTSON Honolulu.   P.   O.   Box   303. 

Porto  Rico R.   H.    TODD San  Juan. 

Philippine  Islands..  HENRY   B.    McCOY 


ORGANIZATION   OF   THE  REPUBLICAN   CON= 
GRESSIONAL  COMMITTEE  FOR  1904 


Headquarters  Republican  Congressional  Committee, 
1135  Broadway,  New  York 


OFFICERS 

Chairman— JOSEPH  W.   BABCOCK,   of  Wisconsin. 
Vice-Chairman— JAMES  S.  SHERMAN,   of  New  York. 
Secretary — JESSE   OVERSTREET,   of  Indiana. 
Treasurer — WM.  B.  THOMPSON,  of  Washington,  D.   C. 

Speakers  Bureau— HENRY  CASSON.  Manager. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 

JOHN  A.  T.  HULL,  of  Iowa.  E.  C.   BURLEIGH,    of  Maine. 

H.  C.  LOUDENSLAGER,  of  New  Jersey.    J.  A.  TAWNEY,  of  Minnesota. 
WILLIAM  CONNELL,   of  Pennsylvania.       J.   R.   MANN,   of  Illinois. 
VICTOR  H.  METCALF,  of  California.  NICHOLAS  LONGWORTH,  of  Ohio. 

GEO.   L.  LILLEY,  of  Connecticut. 

Members. 

California  Representative  VICTOR  H.   METCALF,  Oakland. 

Colorado    Representative  FRANKLIN  E.  BROOKS,   Colo.  Springs. 

Connecticut     Representative    GEORGE  L.   LILLEY,   Waterbury. 

Delaware    Senator  J.   FRANK   ALLEE,   Dover. 

Idaho    Representative  BURTON    L.    FRENCH,    Moscow. 

Illinois   Representative  JAMES  R.  MANN    Chicago. 

Indiana  .Representative  JESSE    OVERSTREET,    Indianapolis. 

Iowa    Representative  J.   A.   T.  HULL,   Des  Moines. 

Kansas    Representative  J.  D.  BOWERSOCK,  Lawrence. 

Kentucky    Representative  W.  G.  HUNTER.   Burkesville. 

Maine  Representative  E.  C.  BURLEIGH,  Augusta. 

Maryland   Representative  SIDNEY  E.   MUDD,   La  Platte. 

Massachusetts Representative  WILLIAM  C.   LOVERING.  Taunton. 

Michigan    Representative  JOSEPH  W.  FORDNEY    Saginaw. 

Minnesota   Representative  JAMES   A.    TAWNEY,   Winona. 

Missouri    Representative  RICHARD  BARTHOLDT,  St.  Louis. 

Montana Representative  JOSEPH  M.  DDCON,  Missoula. 

Nebraska  Representative  JOHN  J.  MCCARTHY,  Ponca. 

New  Hampshire   Representative  CYRUS    A.    SULLOWAY,    Manchester. 

New  Jersey Representative  H.    C.    LOUDENSLAGER,    Paulsboro. 

New  York   Representative  JAMES   S.    SHERMAN.  Utica. 

North  Dakota  Representative  B.   F.   SPALDING,   Fargo. 

Ohio  Representative  NICHOLAS   LONGWORTH,    Cincinnati. 

Oregon    Senator  J.   H.   MITCHELL,   Portland. 

Pennsylvania   Representative  WILLIAM   CONNELL,    Scranton. 

Rhode  Island   Representative  ADIN  B.   CAPRON,   Stillwater. 

South  Dakota   Representative  CHARLES  H.   BURKE.  Pierre. 

Tennessee    Representative  H.  R.  GIBSON,  Knoxville. 

Utah  Representative  JOSEPH  HOWELL,  Logan. 

Vermont    Representative  KITTREDGE  HASKINS.  Brattleboro. 

Virginia Representative  CAMPBELL  SLEMP.   Big  Stone  Gap. 

Washington  Representative  W.  E.  HUMPHREYS,   Seattle. 

West  Virginia  Representative  B.   B.    DOVENOR,   Wheeling. 

Wisconsin    Representative  JOSEPH  W.  BABCOCK,  Necedah. 

Wyoming  Representative  FRANK  W.  MONDELL,  Newcastle. 

Hawaii    Delegate  J.   K.   KALANIANAOLE    Honolulu. 

New  Mexico   Delegate  B.   S.  RODEY,  Albuquerque. 

Oklahoma Delegate  BIRD  S.  McGUIRE,  Guthrie. 


CHAIRMEN  AND   SECRETARIES  OF    REPUBLI- 
CAN STATE  AND  TERRITORIAL 
COMMITTEES 


Alabama  JOSEPH   O.   THOMPSON. ..  Birmingham. 

N.  L.   STEELE Birmingham. 

Arkansas   .       .  .H.   L.   REMMEL Little  Rock. 

W.    S.   HOLT Little  Rock. 

California    GEORGE    STONE Palace  Hotel,   San  Francisco. 

E.  F.  WOODWARD Palace  Hotel,    San   Francisco. 

Colorado    .          ..D.   B.   FAIRLEY 1625    Champa    St.,    Denver. 

CHAS.    W.    COCHRAN 1625    Champa   St.,    Denver. 

Connecticut    ...MICHAEL    KENEALY Allyn   House,    Hartford. 

GEO.    E.   HINMAN Allyn   House,    Hartford. 

Delaware    J.    FRANK   ALLEE 716    Market    St.,    Wilmington. 

WILLIAM   D.    DENNEY 716    Market    St.,    Wilmington. 

Florida   .  ..HENRY  S.  CHUBB Gainesville. 

JOSEPH  E.  LEE Gainesville. 

Georgia W.   H.   JOHNSON Columbus. 

J.  H.  DEVEAUX Savannah. 

Idaho   ..  ..J.    H.   BRADY Boise. 

ROBERT    HAYES Boise. 

Illinois  ROY  O.  WEST Great  Northern  Hotel,  Chicago. 

J.    A.    WHEELER Great  Northern  Hotel,  Chicago. 

Indiana  JAMES  P.  GOODRICH English  Hotel,  Indianapolis. 

FRANK  A.  SIMS English  Hotel,  Indianapolis. 

Iowa  R.  H.  SPENCE Observatory  Bldg.,  Des  Moines. 

GEO.   R.    ESTABROOK Observatory  Bldg.,  Des  Moines. 

Kansas    W.    R.    STUBBS National  Hotel,  Topeka. 

CLYDE  MILLER National  Hotel.  Topeka. 

Kentucky RICHARD    P,    ERNST 317  Gait  House,   Louisville. 

THOS.   L.   WALKER 317   Gait  House,   Louisville. 

Louisiana   F.   B.  WILLIAMS 117  St.  Charles  St.,  New  Orleans. 

M.    J.    McFARLANE 117  St.  Charles  St.,  New  Orleans. 

Maine  F.    M.    SIMPSON Bangor. 

BYRON    BOYD Bangor. 

Maryland JOHN   B.    HANNA 622  N.  Calvert  St.,  Baltimore. 

JOHN  C.  SIMERIXG 622  N.  Calvert  St.,  Baltimore. 

Massachusetts  .  THOMAS    TALBOT 194    Washington    St.,    Boston. 

H.  H.   ATHERTON,  JR 194    Washington    St.,    Boston. 

Michigan    GERRIT  J.  DIEKEMA 1040    Majestic    Bldg.,    Detroit. 

DENNIS  E.  ALWARD 1040    Majestic   Bldg.,    Detroit. 

Minnesota   CONDE  HAMLIN 218   Manhattan   Bldg.,    St.   Paul. 

W.    E.    VERITY 218    Manhattan   Bldg.,    St.    Paul. 

Mississippi   FREDERICK  W.   COLLINS.  Jackson. 

T.  v.  MCALLISTER Jackson. 

Missouri   THOS.  K.  NIEDRINGHAUS.  Commercial  Bldg.,  St.  Louis. 

Montana   LEE  MANTLE Butte. 

J.  B.  COLLINS Butte. 

Nebraska   H.  C.  M.  BURGESS Murray  Hotel,  Omaha. 

W.    B.    ALLEN Murray  Hotel,  Omaha 

Nevada   GEO.   T.  MILLS Musser  St.,  Carson  City. 

E.  D.  VANDERLIETH Musser  St.,  Carson  City. 

New  Hampshire.  JACOB  H.   GALLINGKR White's    Opera  House,    Concord. 

THOMAS  F.   CLIFFORD White's    Opera  House,    Concord. 

New  Jersey FRANK    O.    BRIGGS 144  W.  State  St.,  Trenton. 

J.  HERBERT  POTTS 144  W.  State  St.,  Trenton. 

New  York WILLIAM  BARNES,   JR Fifth   Ave.   Hotel,   New  York  City. 

REUBEN    L.    FOX Fifth  Ave.    Hotel,    New   York  City. 


No.    Carolina.  ..THOMAS  S.  ROLLINS Benbow  Hotel,   Greensboro. 

ROBERT   H.    McNEILL Benbow  Hotel,   Greensboro. 

North  Dakota . .  L.    B.    HANNA Grand  Forks. 

M.  H.  JEWELL Grand  Forks. 

Ohio  CHARLES    DICK Columbus. 

JOHN  R.    M  ALLOY Columbus. 

Oregon FRANK  C.   BAKER Hamilton  Bldg.,  Portland. 

E.  R.  BRYSON Hamilton  Bldg.,  Portland. 

Pennsylvania  ..BOIES  PENROSE 1417  Locust  St.,  Philadelphia. 

W.    R.    ANDREWS 1417  Locust  St.,  Philedalphia. 

Rhode    Island...  FRANK  E.   HOLDEN 123  Westminster  St.    Providence. 

NATHAN  M.   WRIGHT 123  Westminster  St.,  Providence. 

So.  Carolina E.    H.    DEAS Darlington. 

J.   H.    JOHNSON 2029   Marion  St.,   Columbia. 

South  Dakota. .  FRANK  CRANE Pierre. 

E.  A.    WARNER Pierre. 

Tennessee   J.  C.  R.   McCALL Maxwell  House,  Nashville. 

HARRY   A.    LUCK Maxwell  House,  Nashville. 

Texas CECIL  A.  LYON Sherman. 

R.    L.    HOFFMAN Galveston. 

Utah  .     WM.  SPRY City  &  County  Bldg.,  Salt  Lake  City. 

TOM   PITT City  &  County  Bldg.,  Salt  Lake  City. 

Vermont  THAD  M.  CHAPMAN Middlebury. 

ALFRED  E.  WATSON Hartford. 

Virginia   PARK   AGNEW Alexandria. 

ASA    ROGERS Petersburg. 

Washington E.   B.   PALMER Seattle. 

J.  W.   LYSONS Seattle. 

West  Virginia. .  ELLIOTT  NORTHCOTT Parkersburg. 

W.  E.   GLASSCOCK Parkersburg. 

Wisconsin   THEO.  W.  GOLDIN ..Hotel  Pfister,  Milwaukee. 

F.  R.   BENTLEY Hotel  Pfister,  Milwaukee. 

Wyoming J.  A.  VAN  ORSDEL Cheyenne. 

R.  P.  FULLER Cheyenne. 

Alaska  JOHN   T.    SPICKETT Juneau. 

A.  V.   R.   SNYDER Wrangel. 

Arizona   W.   F.    NICHOLS Phoenix. 

GEORGE  U.  YOUNG Phoenix. 

Indian  Terr CYRUS  G.  KEAN Wynnewood. 

MIKE   CONLAN Atoka. 

New  Mexico. . . .  F.  A.  HUBBELL Albuquerque. 

J.   J.    SHERIDAN Albuquerque. 

Oklahoma CHAS.  H.  FILSON..,  . .  Guthrie. 

VERNON  W.  WHITING Enid. 

Hawaii    CLARENCE  L.   CRABBE. ..  Honolulu. 

W.  W.   HOOGS Honolulu. 

Porto  Rico MANUEL  F.  ROSSY San    Juan. 


ORGANIZATION   OF  THE   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL 
LEAGUE  FOR  1904 


OFFICERS  1903-4 

President— J.  HAMPTON  MOORE.  Union  Republican  Club,  Philadelphia. 

Vice-President— JAMES  JAY  SHERIDAN,  Hamilton  Club,   Chicago. 

Secretary — ELBERT  W.  WEEKS.  Guthrie  Centre,  Iowa. 

Treasurer— SID.   B.   REDDING,   Little  Rock,  Ark. 

Natiortal  League  Conventions  have  been  held  as  follows:  December  15,  1887, 
TJew  York  City;  February  28,  1889,  Baltimore;  March  4,  1890,  Nashville;  April  23, 
1891,  Cincinnati;  September  16,  1892,  Buffalo;  May  10,  1893,  Louisville;  June  26, 
1894,  Denver;  June  19.  1895,  Cleveland;  August  25,  1896,  Milwaukee;  July  15, 
1897,  Detroit;  Omaha,  Neb.,  July  13,  1898;  St.  Paul,  Minn.,  July  16,  1900;  Chicago, 
111.,  October  2-3,  1902. 

Next  Convention  Indianapolis  October,  1904 


HON.    F.    E.    COYNE,    Postmaster   of    Chicago, 
Chairman    of    the    Local    Committee. 


THE  LOCAL  COMMITTEE  AND  ITS  WORK 


BY  JOHN  A.  ROWLAND. 


Chicago  Republicans  began  early  in  December  to  lay  plans  to  secure  the 
National  Convention.  The  preliminary  work  was  done  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Hamilton  Club.  It  was  decided  early  that  Chicago's  claims  should  be 
presented  by  a  delegation  made  up  of  the  leading  members  of  this  club,  as 
well  as  by  the  Illinois  Congressmen. 

Graeme  Stewart,  Republican  National  Committeeman  for  Illinois,  accom- 
panied by  Samuel  B.  Raymond  and  Fred  W.  Upham,  left  Chicago  for  Wash- 
ington on  December  8th  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  Hamilton  Club  dele- 
gation, which  followed  next  day.  Among  those  who  made  up  the  Hamilton 
Club  delegation  which  left  for  the  National  Convention  on  December  the  10th, 
were: 

F.  E.  COYNE,  JUDGE  Z.  R.  CARTER, 

E.  S.  CONWAY,  JUDGE  C.  C.  KOHLSAAT, 

J.  J.  SHERIDAN,  J.  S.  RUNNELLS. 

H.  C.  LYTTON,  VOLNEY  W.  FOSTER, 

E.  A.  MUNGER,  COL.  J.  H.  STRONG, 

W.  F.  ROLLA,  ALD.  YOUNG, 

ELBRIDGE  HANECY,  E.  J.  MURPHY, 

FRED  M.  BLOUNT,  A.  H.  JONES, 

J.  M.  SMYTH.  J.  T.  LENFESTY, 

GALE  BLOCKI,  GEO.  B.  SWIFT, 

JOHN  B.  PORTER, 

Among  other  prominent  men  of  the  city  and  nation  who  had  promised 
assistance  were  Judge  Peter  A.  Grosscup,  George  R.  Peck,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  Leslie  M.  Shaw,  Speaker  Cannon  and  Senators  Cullom  and  Hopkins. 

Arriving  at  Washington  the  National  Committee  opened  headquarters  at 
the  Arlington  Hotel.  On  December  the  loth  the  entire  delegation  headed  by 
Graeme  Stewart  called  upon  President  Roosevelt  at  the  White  House. 
James  J.  Sheridan,  President  of  the  Hamilton  Club,  addressed  the  President 
briefly,  outlining  the  purpose  of  the  Hamilton  Club's  visit  to  the  National 
Capitol.  He  assured  the  President  that  he  would  be  nominated,  and  that  the 
convention  would  be  held  at  Chicago. 

President  Roosevelt  responded  briefly,  saying  that  as  President  of  the 
United  States  he  must  of  necessity  maintain  a  neutral  attitude  but  he  added 
significantly :  "I  would  be  a  poor  American  if  I  were  not  a  good  Chicagoan." 

When  the  National  Committee  met  on  December  I2th  it  was  so  certain 


J1G19G9 


38  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

that  Chicago  would  be  chosen  as  the  convention  city  that  the  National 
Committee  booked  headquarters  at  the  Chicago  hotels  before  the  vote  was 
taken. 

Chicago's  proposals  for  entertaining  the  convention  were  presented  to 
the  National  Committee  by  Samuel  B.  Raymond.  He  stated  that  Chicago 
would  guarantee  the  expenses  of  the  convention,  supply  a  convention  hall 
with  a  seating  capacity  of  12,000,  with  eleven  entrances.  Chicago's  hotel  ac- 
commodations he  guaranteed  to  be  of  the  best. 

St.  Louis  and  Pittsburg  delegations  were  on  hand  with  proposals.  Na- 
tional Committeeman  Richard  C.  Kerens  introduced  ex-Mayor  Walbridge  of 
St.  Louis  who  offered  on  behalf  of  St.  Louis  a  bonus  of  $40,000  in  cash  and 
to  defray  all  the  expenses  of  the  convention.  Ex-Mayor  Walbridge  resented 
the  fact  that  Missouri  had  been  referred  to  as  hopelessly  Democratic.  There 
were,  he  said,  360,000  Republicans  who  wanted  the  label  "hopeless"  removed 
and  "available"  substituted. 

Senator  Boise  Penrose  of  Pennsylvania,  presented  the  claims  of  Pitts- 
burg.  He  said  that  a  committee  of  Pittsburg  Republicans  were  outside  with 
the  cash  to  pay  for  the  convention.  "If  $100,000  is  not  enough,"  he  said,  "we 
will  give  $500,000,  and  that  would  be  but  a  small  matter.  I  understand  the 
Pittsburg  delegation  has  the  cash  with  them,  but  they  have  not  taken  me  into 
their  confidence  to  show  it  to  me.  They  came  by  the  way  of  Harrisburg, 
and  I  hope  the  fund  is  intact." 

Only  one  ballot  was  necessary.  Chicago  received  43  votes,  Pittsburg  7, 
and  St.  Louis  i. 

The  Chicago  committee  returned  home  and  the  Hamilton  Club  at  once 
organized  itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  to  perfect  the  plans  for  the 
convention. 

Few  difficulties  presented  themselves  to  the  men  who  had  guaranteed 
to  meet  all  the  requirements  of  the  National  Committee. 

In  the  first  place  no  effort  was  necessary  to  make  any  ostentatious  can- 
vass for  funds.  The  members  of  the  Hamilton  Club  knew  where  the  money 
to  make  their  pledges  to  the  National  Committee  good  was  coming  from. 
The  funds  were  forthcoming.  In  the  second  place  the  convention  hall,  a 
massive  structure  of  steel,  brick  and  stone  was  standing  ready.  No  building 
had  to  be  transformed  or  evolved.  The  fact  that  the  Chicago  Coliseum  was 
ready  for  the  great  National  Convention  simplified  the  problem. 

Only  two  committees  were  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  Hamilton 
Club.  The  Political  Action  Committee  was  made  up  as  follows : 

MARQUIS   EATON.    Chairman.  A.  W.   BUCKLEY. 

KEENE  H.  ADDINGTON  FRANK  G.  GARDENER. 

CLARK  S.  REED. 

The  Entertainment  Committee  consisted  of  the  following  members  of  the 
Club: 

E.  C.  WETTEN.  Chairman.  GEORGE  A.  MASON. 

J.  HOWARD  HOLBROOK.  GEORGE  E.   SHIPMAN. 

J.  M.  McCONAHEY. 


HON.    FRED.  W.    UPHAM,   of    Illinois, 
Treasurer    of   the    Local    Committee. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          39 

Larger  committees  were  not  necessary  for  in  reality  the  Hamilton  Club, 
with  its  hundreds  of  members,  many  of  them  prominent  in  national  life, 
and  constituting  as  a  whole  one  of  the  most  influential  Republican  organiza- 
tions in  the  country,  constituted  itself  one  great  committee  to  see  that  the 
necessary  funds  were  forthcoming,  that  the  convention  hall  was  ready,  that 
every  convention  facility  was  supplied.  Then  too,  the  entire  membership  of 
the  Hamilton  Club  constituted  itself  a  reception  and  entertainment  commit- 
tee to  welcome  the  party  leaders  and  delegates  and  to  see  that  their  every 
want  was  supplied. 

The  work  of  preparing  the  convention  hall  for  the  sessions  of  the  con- 
vention was  begun  early  in  May.  Contracts  were  let  for  seats,  railings,  desks, 
decorations,  and  lights. 

The  plans  for  the  convention  hall  included  comfortable  opera  chairs  with 
hat,  cane  and  umbrella  racks  for  delegates,  alternates  and  spectators.  The 
delegates  were  to  occupy  the  space  immediately  in  front  of  the  speakers' 
stand.  Back  of  them  and  separated  by  a  polished  rail,  were  the  seats  for  the 
alternates,  which  in  turn  were  separated  from  the  spectators  by  another  rail. 

The  press  was  cared  for  by  seats  and  desks  for  400  men,  all  on  the 
speakers'  rostrum.  Immediately  back  of  the  press  seats,  in  a  large  enclosed 
room  was  the  telegraph  room  with  facilities  for  200  operators  and  from  which 
the  Western  Union  and  Postal  Telegraph  Companies  were  radiated  to  every 
city  and  town  in  the  United  States. 

Other  features  of  the  convention  hall  plans  were  hospital  rooms  in  charge 
of  physicians  and  trained  nurses,  police  and  fire  headquarters,  a  telephone 
exchange  with  a  dozen  booths  for  long  distance  service. 

Every  seat  in  the  building  was  to  be  numbered.  The  aisles  were  broad 
and  the  stairways  leading  to  the  galleries  not  only  numerous  but  easy  of 
ascent. 

There  was  no  delay  in  placing  the  convention  hall  in  readiness.  In  fact, 
the  great  auditorium  was  practically  ready  for  the  decorators  two  weeks 
before  the  date  fixed  for  the  convention's  opening. 

The  finishing  touches  on  the  convention  hall  were  made  on  June  ipth. 
On  that  date  the  building  was  ready  and  the  convention  could  have  been 
called  to  order  on  that  day  if  it  had  been  necessary. 

The  interior  decorations  of  the  great  hall  excited  the  admiration  of  every 
visitor. 

Everywhere  there  was  a  harmony  of  color  and  design.  The  heroic  like- 
ness of  Marcus  Alonzo  Hanna,  draped  in  the  national  colors,  hung  above  the 
speakers'  platform.  There  was  bunting,  but  this  was  not  overdone.  There 
were  flags,  a  dozen  groups  on  each  side  of  the  hall,  and  two  larger  groups 
on  each  end,  just  enough  of  bright  color  to  give  life  to  the  yellow  of  the 
vaulted  roof  and  the  grey  of  the  iron  girders. 

Looking  down  from  the  balcony,  the  effect  was  again  pleasing.  The 
crimson  carpet  of  the  speakers'  platform  stood  out  like  a  damask  rose  in  a 
bunch  of  lilies,  for  all  around  it  were  groups,  the  desks  and  chairs  of  the 


40  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

representatives  of  the  press,  and  these  were  painted  a  light  yellow.  The  con- 
trast was  startling  and  effective.  Add  to  this  the  light  green  chairs  of  dele- 
gates and  alternates,  separated  from  each  other  and  from  the  darker  ma- 
hogany of  the  spectators'  seats  by  yellow  railings,  and  it  was  seen  that  the 
color  effect  was  pleasing. 

Up  above  the  balconies  were  rows  of  live  oak  branches,  which  were  also 
used  effectively  against  the  windows  at  the  sides,  and  at  each  end  of  the  hall. 
From  the  girders  were  suspended  scores  of  hanging  baskets  containing  huge 
sword  plants,  while  the  main  floor  was  banked  with  palms.  Not  even  in 
its  greatest  gala  did  Madison  Square  Garden  ever  present  as  beautiful  a 
picture  as  did  Chicago's  Coliseum  on  the  morning  as  it  awaited  the  gathering 
hosts. 

Members  of  the  National  Committee,  Senators,  Congressmen  and  many 
delegates  paid  the  convention  hall  a  visit  on  June  i8th.  They  all  united  in 
pronouncing  it  the  best  arranged  audience-room  they  had  ever  seen  and 
unstinted  in  their  praises  of  the  Chicago  Committee  and  S.  B.  Raymond,  its 
Chairman,  and  of  the  work  of  Sergeant-at-Arms  Stone. 

Senator  N.  B.  Scott  of  West  Virginia,  Chairman  of  the  sub-committee  on 
arrangements,  who  arrived  in  the  city  late  the  night  before  saw  the  big 
convention  hall  for  the  first  time.  He  left  the  Auditorium  Annex  for  the 
Coliseum  shortly  after  two  o'clock  and  was  soon  joined  there  by  R.  B. 
Schneider,  National  Committeeman  from  Nebraska,  and  Postmaster  General 
Payne. 

At  the  Coliseum  the  three  men  were  met  by  the  members  of  the  local 
committee  which  had  for  weeks  been  working  to  make  the  convention  hall 
the  nearest  perfect  in  arrangements  of  any  in  which  a  national  convention 
was  ever  held. 

As  the  members  of  the  party  left  the  Sergeant-at-Arms'  room  and  en- 
tered the  Republican  National  Committee  room  they  expressed  many  favor- 
able comments  upon  the  delicate  lemon-colored  tinting  of  the  room,  upon 
its  good  light  and  cheerfulness.  Hundreds  of  flags  were  placed  in  groups 
at  the  ends  of  the  hall  and  among  the  beams  by  the  decorators,  who  were 
completing  the  work  the  local  committee  had  in  hand. 

"The  hall  is  admirably  arranged,"  declared  Senator  Scott.  "Everything 
is  ready  for  the  convention.  It  could  be  held  tomorrow.  Sergeant-at-Arms 
Stone  is  the  right  man  in  the  right  place.  The  local  committee  has  done 
its  work  most  satisfactorily." 

Secretary  Dover  said  the  convention  hall  was  the  best  he  had  ever  seen 
for  the  purpose. 

"I  don't  believe  a  national  convention  was  ever  in  a  better  arranged  hall. 
The  on'y  criticism  I  have  ever  heard  was  that  it  is  not  large  enough.  The 
work  has  never  been  so  far  advanced,  I  am  told,  as  it  is  in  this  hall.  The 
convention  might  be  held  tomorrow,  so  far  as  the  hall  is  concerned." 


HON.    SAMUEL    B.    RAYMOND,    of    Chicago, 
Member   Local    Committee. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          41 

CHAIRMAN  RAYMOND  IS  PROUD  OF  HIS  WORK. 

"It  is  the  best  hall  in  which  a  national  convention  has  ever  been  held," 
he  said.  "Some  people  say  it  is  too  small,  but  I  predict  that  in  the  future 
national  conventions  will  be  held  nowhere  else.  Chicago  will  not  have  to 
ask  them  to  come  here.  They'll  come  because  we  have  the  best  convention 
hall  in  the  country." 

Members  of  the  local  and  national  sub-committees  on  arrangements  were 
working  together  all  day  on  the  minor  details  of  the  hall.  The  party  of 
local  and  visiting  committeemen  lingered  about  the  hall  until  late  in  the  aft- 
ernoon inspecting  the  big  structure  which  was  to  seat  more  than  8,000  Repub- 
licans the  next  week. 

In  the  group  of  local  committee  members  who  were  at  the  building  were 
Samuel  B.  Raymond,  chairman  of  the  local  committee;  Volney  W.  Foster, 
sub-treasurer  of  the  national  committee,  who  has  been  active  in  raising  funds 
to  defray  convention  expenses ;  George  R.  Peck,  a  member  of  the  local  com- 
mittee, and  Graeme  Stewart,  a  member  of  the  Republican  National  Executive 
Committee. 

All  sweeping  was  ended  early  on  June  igth ;  after  the  broom  brigade  had 
ended  its  work  and  the  smoke  of  the  affray  had  settled  over  chairs  and  rail- 
ings in  the  form  of  fine  dust,  a  second  brigade  was  sent  into  action  with 
damp  cloths,  and  every  spot  within  the  walls  of  the  huge  structure  was  pol- 
ished as  though  it  were  a  ladies'  drawing  room.  So  it  was  that  the  Coliseum 
was  not  only  beautiful  as  a  picture,  but  it  was  immaculate  as  well,  and  this 
meant  much  to  those  ladies  who  wished  to  witness  the  gathering. 

At  3  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  June  20,  Sergeant-at-Arms  Stone  gath- 
ered all  the  appointees  in  the  delegates'  section,  400  if  there  was  a  man, 
and  gave  them  a  short  exhortation.  He  insisted  that  there  must  be  nothing 
in  their  minds  for  the  next  few  days  but  work. 

The  men  were  separated  into  divisions  and  were  given  heart-to-heart 
talks  by  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms  Owen.  He  explained  in  detail  what 
was  to  be  done  by  each  set  of  men.  He  explained  not  only  the  routine  work, 
but  went  into  every  possible  contingency  of  fire,  panic,  and  accident,  urging 
each  one  to  become  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  exits  and  hospital  ar- 
rangements. 

"Find  a  seat  and  sit  down, — on  the  floor  if  you  can't  find  any  better 
place,"  said  Owen.  "Remember  that  everyone  who  stands  in  the  aisle  blocks 
the  view  of  someone  behind  him.  The  hardest  thing  of  all  is  to  keep  your 
patience.  We  will  have  but  thirty  policemen  inside  the  building.  The  re- 
sponsibility for  making  this  a  model  convention  rests  on  you." 

Then  he  formed  the  men  into  columns  of  twos,  marched  them  about  the 
hall,  and  distributed  them  at  their  respective  stations. 

Inspector  Lavin  smiled  when  he  was  told  that  but  thirty  officers  would  be 
required  within  the  Coliseum. 


42  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Sergeant-at-Arms  Stone  appointed  seventy-five  doorkeepers  from  appli- 
cants outside  Chicago.  The  object  in  appointing  out-of-Chicago  men  was  to 
prevent  Chicago  people  packing  the  convention  through  friendship  with  the 
doorkeepers.  David  C.  Owen  was  Mr.  Stone's  chief  assistant.  He  had 
charge  of  the  doorkeepers. 

Mr.  Stone  had  500  assistant  sergeant-at-arms,  300  doorkeepers,  ushers, 
messengers  and  pages,  and  100  telegraph  operators  under  his  supervision. 
He  had  also  made  arrangements  for  a  dozen  physicians  and  two  trained 
nurses  to  look  after  persons  who  may  become  ill  or  be  injured  in  any  way 
during  the  sessions  of  the  convention.  Dr.  Frank  B.  Earle  was  in  charge 
of  the  medical  staff  and  hospital  arrangements. 

Chairman  Raymond's  friends  on  the  local  committee  presented  him  with 
a  handsome  badge.  It  consisted  of  the  conventional  red,  white  and  blue 
ribbon,  with  two  chased  silver  bars  at  the  top  containing  the  words,  "Chi- 
cago Committee  of  Arrangements,"  and  "S.  B.  Raymond,  Chairman."  Sus- 
pended from  the  lower  bar  over  the  ribbon  is  an  American  eagle  with  out- 
stretched wings  in  silver,  and  a  shield  of  gold  below,  surrounded  with  a 
laurel  wreath.  On  the  shield  are  the  words,  "Republican  National  Conven- 
tion, 1904." 

The  Chicago  Committee  on  Arrangements  wore  badges  consisting  of  the 
patriotic  ribbon  over  a  broader  ribbon  of  white  satin  with  gilt  edges  and  a 
gilt  fringe.  A  bronze  medallion  fastened  to  the  smaller  ribbon  contains  on 
a  blue  enamel  center  the  words,  "Republican  National  Convention,  Chicago, 
June  21,  1904." 


The  Late   HON.    HENRY  C.   PAYNE,  of  Wisconsin, 

Vice-Chairman  of  the  Republican   National  Committee,  and   Acting   Chairman 

after  Senator   Hanna's  Death. 

Died  Oct.  4,    I9O4. 


PROCEEDINGS 

OK  THE 

Republican   National  Convention 

HEI.D  IN 

CHICAGO,  ILL. 
June  21st,  22d  and  23d,  1904 


THE  FIRST  DAY 

OPENING  EXERCISES— THE  CALL  —  PRESENTATIONS  —  ELEC- 
TION OF  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN,  HON.  ELIHU  ROOT,  OF 
NEW  YORK,  AND  HIS  ADDRESS— REVIEW  OF  THE  M'KINLEY- 
ROOSEVELT  ADMINISTRATION  —  TEMPORARY  OFFICERS- 
STANDING  COMMITTEES— LOUISIANA  PURCHASE  EXPOSI- 
TION. 

CONVENTION  HALL 

CHICAGO,  ILL.,  Tuesday,  June  21,  1904. 

Mr.  HENRY  C.  PAYNE,  of  Wisconsin,  Vice-Chairman  of  the  Republican 
National  Committee  (at  12:14  o'clock  p.  m.). — The  Convention  will  come  to 
order.  The  proceedings  will  be  begun  by  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Frost,  of 
Evanston,  111. 

PRAYER  OF  REV.  TIMOTHY  PRESCOTT  FROST,  D.  D. 

Rev.  TIMOTHY  PRESCOTT  FROST,  D.  D.,  of  Evanston,  111.,  offered  the  fol- 
lowing prayer : 
Almighty  God, 

"Our  help  in  ages  past, 
Our  hope  for  years  to  come," 

We  thank  Thee  for  Thy  goodness  to  the  people  of  this  land. 

Our  sins  have  been  many,  but  Thy  mercies  have  been  great.  Thou  hast 
poured  out  Thy  gifts  without  measure. 


44  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

The  opening  years  of  a  new  century  have  been  freighted  with  wealth  for 
hand,  and  mind,  and  heart.  Best  of  all,  Thou  art  giving  Thyself  in  a  per- 
petual offering  of  Thy  life  for  the  life  of  man. 

We  do  not  forget  that  in  the  hour  of  deep  sorrow,  when  the  heart  of 
the  nation  was  darkened  by  the  murder  of  the  nation's  chief,  there  was  no 
break  in  the  march  of  Thy  purpose,  the  orderly  administration  of  our  gov- 
ernment, or  the  faith  of  the  people  in  their  God.  Under  the  guidance  of 
Thy  Holy  Spirit  we  were  brought  by  our  national  woes  nearer  to  Thee. 

Surely  Thou  wilt  never  forsake  this  people. 

May  no  dominance  of  greed,  no  riot  of  passion,  no  weakening  of  religious 
conviction  or  enthronement  of  matter  over  spirit,  cause  the  people  to  forsake 
Thee. 

May  the  heritage  of  honor  coming  to  us  from  the  fathers  in  memories  of 
noble  sacrifices  and  valiant  deeds,  be  at  once  our  glad  possession  and  our 
sacred  trust. 

While  we  are  grateful  for  the  past,  may  we  remember  that  today  is  bet- 
ter than  yesterday,  and  so  act  that  the  morrow  shall  be  greater  than  today. 

Wherever  our  country's  flag  floats  as  the  symbol  of  government,  even 
unto  the  isles  of  the  sea,  may  we  cleave  to  the  righteousness  that  exalteth 
a  nation  and  cast  out  the  sin  that  is  a  reproach  to  any  people. 

Save  our  nation,  we  beseech  Thee,  from  all  the  evil  things  which  defile 
the  home,  impair  civil  liberty,  corrupt  politics  or  undermine  the  integrity  of 
commercial  life. 

Bring  to  naught  the  schemes  of  men  who  would  debauch  or  oppress 
human  life  for  the  gratification  of  lust  or  for  personal  enrichment  or  power. 

May  exaltation  come  only  to  men  who  despise  the  gain  of  oppressions 
and  shake  the  hands  from  holding  of  bribes. 

May  all  sections  and  races,  all  sentiments  and  creeds,  all  occupations  and 
interests  become  united  through  the  Spirit  of  the  Highest  into  a  citizenship 
with  a  passion  for  righteousness,  wherein  each  individual  shall  look  up  to 
God  as  the  Father  of  all,  and  upon  every  man  as  a  brother. 

We  pray  Thee  to  overrule  the  deliberations,  conclusions  and  issues  of  this 
convention  for  the  good  of  the  American  people,  and  the  welfare  of  man- 
kind. 

Bless  Thy  servant,  the  chief  magistrate  of  our  nation.  May  he  and  all 
others  clothed  with  authority  by  the  sovereign  people,  be  protected  by  the 
powers  of  Thy  Kingdom,  and  contribute  to  its  ultimate  triumph  and  con- 
summation in  all  the  earth. 

All  nations  are  Thy  children.  Guide  and  keep  them  by  Thy  gracious 
providence,  and  hasten  the  coming  of  the  day  when  love  shall  have  conquered 
hate,  and  wars  shall  have  ceased,  and  all  people  shall  dwell  together  in  unity. 

For  thine  is  the  kingdom,  and  the  power,  and  the  glory  forever,  Amen! 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          45 

PRESENTATION  OF  GAVEL. 

Mr.  N.  B.  SCOTT,  of  West  Virginia. — Mr.  Chairman,  on  behalf  of  Hon. 
Samuel  B.  Raymond  and  his  associates  of  the  local  committee  of  Chicago, 
who  have  so  ably  and  so  willingly  assisted  your  sub-committee  in  discharg- 
ing its  duties  in  preparing  this  hall  for  this  convention,  I  present  to  you,  as 
Vice-Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Committee,  this  gavel. 

Mr.  H.  C.  PAYNE,  of  Wisconsin. — Senator  Scott,  through  you  I  wish,  on 
behalf  of  the  Republican  National  Committee,  to  congratulate  Mr.  Raymond 
and  his  associates  on  the  very  successful  outcome  of  their  labors,  and  beg 
you  to  convey  to  them  my  grateful  appreciation  of  their  courtesy  in  present- 
ing this  gavel. 

CALL  FOR  THE  CONVENTION. 

Mr.  H.  C.  PAYNE,  of  Wisconsin. — Gentlemen,  the  call  under  which  you  are 
assembled  will  now  be  read  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Republican  National 
Committee. 

Mr.  ELMER  DOVER,  of  Ohio,  secretary  of  the  Republican  National  Com- 
mittee, read  the  call  for  the  convention,  as  follows : 

OFFICIAL   CALL  FOR   REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION, 

JUNE  21,  1904. 
To  the  Republican  Electors  of  the  United  States : 

In  accordance  with  established  custom  and  in  obedience  to  instructions  of 
the  National  Convention  of  1900,  the  National  Republican  Committee  directs 
that  a  National  Convention  of  delegated  representatives  of  the  Republican 
party  be  held  at  the  City  of  Chicago,  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  nominating  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President  to  be  voted 
for  at  the  Presidential  election  Tuesday,  November  8,  1904,  and  for  the 
transaction  of  such  other  business  as  may  properly  come  before  it,  and  that 
said  Convention  shall  assemble  at  12  o'clock  noon  on  Tuesday,  the  2ist  day 
of  June,  1904. 

The  Republican  electors  of  the  several  States  and  Territories,  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  Alaska,  and  Indian  Territory,  and  all  other  electors,  with- 
out regard  to  past  political  affiliations,  who  believe  in  the  principles  of  the 
Republican  party  and  endorse  its  policies,  are  cordially  invited  to  unite  under 
this  call  in  the  selection  of  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President. 

Said  National  Convention  shall  consist  of  a  number  of  delegates-at-large 
from  each  State,  equal  to  double  the  number  of  United  States  Senators  to 
which  each  State  is  entitled,  and  for  each  Representative-at-large  in  Con- 
gress, two  delegates-at-large.  From  each  Congressional  district  and  the 
District  of  Columbia,  two  delegates.  From  each  of  the  Territories  of  Ari- 
zona, New  Mexico,  Oklahoma,  and  Hawaii  and  Indian  Territory,  six  dele- 
gates. From  Alaska,  four  delegates.  For  each  delegate  elected  to  said  Con- 
vention an  alternate  delegate  shall  be  elected  to  act  in  case  of  the  absence 
of  the  delegate,  such  alternate  delegate  to  be  elected  at  the  time  and  in  the 
manner  of  electing  the  delegate. 


46  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

All  delegates  shall  be  elected  not  less  than  thirty  days  before  the  meet- 
ing of  the  National  Convention.  Delegates-at-large  shall  be  elected  by  pop- 
ular State  and  Territorial  Conventions,  of  which  at  least  thirty  days'  notice 
shall  have  been  published  in  some  newspaper  or  newspapers  of  general  cir- 
culation in  the  respective  States  and  Territories. 

The  Congressional  district  delegates  shall  be  elected  by  conventions 
called  by  the  Congressional  Committee  of  each  district,  in  the  manner  of 
nominating  the  candidate  for  Representative  in  Congress  in  said  district, 
provided  that  in  any  Congressional  district  where  there  is  no  Republican 
Congressional  Committee,  the  Republican  State  Committee  shall  appoint 
from  among  the  Republican  residents  in  such  district,  a  committee  for  the 
purpose  of  calling  a  district  convention  to  elect  delegates  to  represent  said 
district. 

The  election  of  delegates  from  the  District  of  Columbia  shall  be  held 
under  the  direction  and  supervision  of  an  electional  board  composed  of  Mr. 
Chapin  Brown,  Mr.  George  H.  Harris  and  Mr.  John  F.  Cook.  Such  board 
shall  have  authority  to  fix  the  date  of  such  election  and  to  arrange  all  details 
and  regulations  incident  thereto,  and  shall  provide  for  a  registration  of  the 
votes  as  cast,  such  registration  to  include  the  name  and  residence  of  each 
voter. 

The  Territorial  delegates  shall  be  elected  in  the  manner  of  nominating 
candidates  for  delegates  in  Congress,  and  delegates  from  Alaska  and  Indian 
Territory  shall  be  elected  by  popular  convention. 

All  notices  of  contest  shall  be  submitted  in  writing,  accompanied  by  a 
printed  statement  setting  forth  the  grounds  of  contest,  which  shall  be  filed 
with  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Committee  twenty  days  prior  to  the  meet- 
ing of  the  National  Convention.  Contests  will  be  acted  on  by  the  National 
Convention  in  the  order  of  the  date  of  filing  of  notice  and  statement  with  the 
Secretary. 

M.   A.  HANNA,   Chairman. 

PERRY  S.  HEATH,  Secretary. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C,  January  16,  1904. 

(When  Mr.  Hanna's  name  was  read,  the  assemblage  burst  into  prolonged 
applause. — Ed.) 

PRESENTATION  OF  TABLE. 

Mr.  S.  R.  VAN  SANT,  of  Minnesota. — Mr.  Chairman 

Mr.  H.  C.  PAYNE,  of  Wisconsin. — I  have  the  pleasure  of  introducing  Gov. 
Van  Sant,  of  Minnesota.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  VAN  SANT. — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  I 
have  been  delegated  to  present  this  historic  table  to  the  Convention.  It  was 
made  by  the  manual  training  class  of  the  South  Minneapolis  high  school. 
Your  acceptance  will  honor  them  and  encourage  industrial  education  through- 
out the  United  States.  The  table  was  first  used  in  1892  in  Minneapolis, 
where  Indiana's  honored  son  and  one  of  America's  greatest  statesmen,  Ben- 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          47 

jamin  Harrison,  was  renominated  for  President  of  the  United  States.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

In  1896  it  was  again  used  in  connection  with  the  nomination  of  that  be- 
loved President,  whose  election  dispelled  Democratic  gloom  and  inaugurated 
Republican  policies,  which  gave  us  the  greatest  era  of  prosperity  our  country 
has  ever  known.  (Applause.)  This  will  continue  as  long  as  the  party  of 
progress  is  in  power. 

Then  at  Philadelphia  the  same  honor  was  conferred  for  a  second  time 
upon  that  distinguished  citizen,  soldier  and  statesman.  There  also  this  table 
was  used.  We  ask  you  to  use  it  now  and  make  it  more  historic,  for  you  will 
nominate,  without  a  dissenting  vote,  that  fearless,  invincible  leader,  Theodore 
Roosevelt.  (Applause.)  Minnesota  not  only  presents  this  table,  but  with 
an  unbroken  record  will  give  her  electoral  votes  to  the  nominees  of  this 
convention. 

Mr.  H.  C.  PAYNE  of  Wisconsin. — I  take  great  pleasure  in  accepting,  on 
behalf  of  the  Convention,  the  table  which  is  before  me. 

SELECTION  OF  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. 

Mr.  H.  C.  PAYNE,  of  Wisconsin. — The  Republican  National  Committee 
has  selected  for  your  Temporary  Chairman  the  Honorable  Elihu  Root,  of 
New  York  (applause),  and  presents  his  name  for  your  acceptance. 

Mr.  BENJAMIN  B.  ODELL,  Jr.,  of  New  York. — I  move  that  the  action  of 
the  Republican  National  Committee  in  the  selection  of  a  temporary  chairman 
be  approved. 

Mr.  PAYNE. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  motion  of  the  gentleman 
from  New  York,  that  the  action  of  the  Republican  National  Committee  in 
the  selection  of  the  Honorable  Elihu  Root,  of  New  York,  as  Temorpary 
Chairman,  be  approved  by  the  convention. 

The  motion  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 

Mr.  PAYNE. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  I  have  the  honor  to  present 
the  Honorable  Elihu  Root,  your  Temporary  Chairman.  (Applause.) 

ADDRESS  OF  THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN  (Mr.  Elihu  Root,  of  New  York) — I  am  deep- 
ly grateful,  my  brethren  of  the  Republican  party,  for  the  honor  you  do  me. 
I  esteem  it  most  highly,  and  I  thank  you  from  my  heart. 

The  responsibility  of  government  rests  upon  the  Republican  party.  The 
complicated  machinery  through  which  the  80,000,000  people  of  the  United  States 
govern  themselves,  answers  to  no  single  will.  The  composite  government 
devised  by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  to  meet  the  conditions  of  national 
life,  more  than  a  century  ago,  requires  the  willing  co-operation  of  many 
minds,  the  combination  of  many  independent  factors,  in  every  forward  step 
for  the  general  welfare. 

The  President  at  Washington  with  his  Cabinet,  the  90  Senators  repre- 
senting 45  sovereign  States,  the  386  Representatives  in  Congress, — are  re- 


48  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

quired  to  reach  concurrent  action  upon  a  multitude  of  questions  involving 
varied  and  conflicting  interests  and  requiring  investigation,  information,  dis- 
cussion and  reconciliation  of  views.  From  all  our  vast  territory  with  its 
varieties  of  climate  and  industry,  from  all  our  great  population  active  in  pro- 
duction and  commerce  and  social  progress  and  intellectual  and  moral  life 
to  a  degree  never  before  attained  by  any  people,  difficult  problems  press  upon 
the  National  Government. 

Within  the  past  five  years  more  than  sixty-six  thousand  bills  have  been 
introduced  in  Congress.  Some  method  of  selection  must  be  followed.  There 
must  be  some  preliminary  process  to  ascertain  the  general  tenor  of  public 
judgment  upon  the  principles  to  be  applied  in  government,  and  some  organ- 
ization and  recognition  of  leadership  which  shall  bring  a  legislative  majority 
and  the  executive  into  accord  in  the  practical  application  of  those  principles ; 
or  effective  government  becomes  impossible. 

The  practical  governing  instinct  of  our  people  has  adapted  the  machinery 
devised  in  the  i8th  to  the  conditions  of  the  2Oth  century  by  the  organization 
of  national  political  parties.  In  them  men  join  for  the  promotion  of  a  few 
cardinal  principles  upon  which  they  agree.  For  the  sake  of  those  principles 
they  lay  aside  their  differences  upon  less  important  questions.  To  represent 
those  principles  and  to  carry  on  the  government  in  accordance  with  them, 
they  present  to  the  people  candidates  whose  competency  and  loyalty  they 
approve.  The  people  by  their  choice  of  candidates  indicate  the  principles  and 
methods  which  they  wish  followed  in  the  conduct  of  their  government.  They 
do  not  merely  choose  between  men ;  they  choose  between  parties — between 
the  principles  they  profess,  the  methods  they  follow,  the  trustworthiness  of 
their  professions,  the  inferences  to  be  drawn  from  the  records  of  their  past, 
the  general  weight  of  character  of  the  body  of  men  who  will  be  brought 
into  participation  in  government  by  their  ascendency. 

When  the  course  of  the  next  administration  is  but  half  done  the  Repub- 
lican party  will  have  completed  the  first  half  century  of  its  national  life.  Of 
the  eleven  administrations  since  the  first  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  nine — 
covering  a  period  of  thirty-six  years — have  been  under  Republican  presidents. 
For  the  greater  part  of  that  time,  the  majority  in  each  House  of  Congress 
has  been  Republican.  History  affords  no  parallel  in  any  age  or  country  for 
the  growth  in  national  greatness  and  power  and  honor,  the  wide  diffusion 
of  the  comforts  of  life,  the  uplifting  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  above 
the  hard  conditions  of  poverty,  the  common  opportunity  for  education  and 
individual  advancement,  the  universal  possession  of  civil  and  religious  lib- 
erty, the  protection  of  property  and  security  for  the  rewards  of  industry 
and  enterprise,  the  cultivation  of  national  morality,  respect  for  religion,  sym- 
pathy with  humanity  and  love  of  liberty  and  justice,  which  have  marked  the 
life  of  the  American  people  during  this  long  period  of  Republican  control. 
(Applause.) 

With  the  platform  and  the  candidates  of  this  Convention,  we  are  about 
to  ask  a  renewed  expression  of  popular  confidence  in  the  Republican  party. 


HON.    ELIHU    ROOT,   of  New   York, 
Who   was  Temporary   Chairman    of  the   Convention. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          49 

We  shall  ask  it  because  the  principles  to  which  we  declare  our  adherence 
are  right,  and  the  best  interests  of  our  country  require  that  they  should  be  fol- 
lowed in  its  government. 

\Ye  shall  ask  it  because  the  unbroken  record  of  the  Republican  party  in 
the  past  is  an  assurance  of  the  sincerity  of  our  declarations  and  the  fidelity 
with  which  we  shall  give  them  effect.  Because  we  have  been  constant  in 
principle,  loyal  to  our  beliefs  and  faithful  to  our  promises,  we  are  entitled  to 
be  believed  and  trusted  now. 

We  shall  ask  it  because  the  character  of  the  party  gives  assurance  of 
good  government.  A  great  political  organization,  competent  to  govern,  is 
not  a  chance  collection  of  individuals  brought  together  for  the  moment  as 
the  shifting  sands  are  piled  up  by  wind  and  sea,  to  be  swept  away,  to  be 
formed  and  re-formed  again.  It  is  a  growth.  Traditions  and  sentiments 
reaching  down  through  struggles  of  years  gone,  and  the  stress  and  heat  of 
old  conflicts,  and  the  influence  of  leaders  passed  away,  and  the  ingrained 
habit  of  applying  fixed  rules  of  interpretation  and  of  thought,  all  give  to  a 
political  party  known  and  inalienable  qualities  from  which  must  follow,  in 
its  deliberate  judgment  and  ultimate  action,  like  results  for  good  or  bad  gov- 
ernment. We  do  not  deny  that  other  parties  have  in  their  membership  men 
of  morality  and  patriotism ;  but  we  assert  with  confidence  that  above  all 
others,  by  the  influences  which  gave  it  birth  and  have  maintained  its  life, 
by  the  causes  for  which  it  has  striven,  the  ideals  which  it  has  followed,  the 
Republican  party  as  a  party  has  acquired  a  character  which  makes  its  ascend- 
ency the  best  guarantee  of  a  government  loyal  to  principle  and  effective  in 
execution.  (Applause.)  Through  it  more  than  any  other  political  organ- 
ization the  moral  sentiment  of  America  finds  expression.  It  cannot  depart 
from  the  direction  of  its  tendencies.  From  what  it  has  been  may  be  known 
certainly  what  it  must  be.  Not  all  of  us  rise  to  its  standard;  not  all  of  us 
are  worthy  of  its  glorious  history:  but  as  a  whole  this  great  political  organ- 
ization— the  party  of  Lincoln  and  McKinley — cannot  fail  to  work  in  the 
spirit  of  its  past  and  in  loyalty  to  great  ideals. 

We  shall  ask  the  continued  confidence  of  the  people  because  the  candi- 
dates whom  we  present  are  of  proved  competency  and  patriotism,  fitted  to  fill 
the  offices  for  which  they  are  nominated,  to  the  credit  and  honor  of  our 
country. 

We  shall  ask  it  because  the  present  policies  of  our  government  are  bene- 
ficial and  ought  not  to  be  set  aside ;  and  the  people's  business  is  being  well 
done,  and  ought  not  to  be  interfered  with. 

Have  not  the  American  people  reason  for  satisfaction  and  pride  in  the 
conduct  of  their  government  since  the  election  of  1900,  when  they  rendered 
their  judgment  of  approval  upon  the  first  administration  of  President  Mc- 
Kinley? Have  we  not  had  an  honest  government?  Have  not  the  men  se- 
lected for  office  been  men  of  good  reputation  who  by  their  past  lives  had 
given  evidence  that  they  were  honest  and  competent?  Can  any  private  busi- 
ness be  pointed  out  in  which  lapses  from  honesty  have  been  so  few  and  so 


50  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

trifling  proportionately,  as  in  the  public  service  of  the  United  States?  And 
when  they  have  occurred,  have  not  the  offenders  been  relentlessly  prosecuted 
and  sternly  punished  without  regard  to  political  or  personal  relations? 

Have  we  not  had  an  effective  government?  Have  not  the  laws  been  en- 
forced? Has  not  the  slow  process  of  legislative  discussion  upon  many  seri- 
ous questions  been  brought  to  practical  conclusions  embodied  in  beneficial 
statutes?  and  has  not  the  Executive  proceeded  without  vacillation  or  weak- 
ness to  give  these  effect?  Are  not  the  laws  of  the  United  States  obeyed 
at  home?  and  does  not  our  government  command  respect  and  honor  through- 
out the  world? 

Have  we  not  had  a  safe  and  conservative  government?  Has  not  property 
been  protected?  Are  not  the  fruits  of  enterprise  and  industry  secure?  What 
safeguard  of  the  constitution  for  vested  right  or  individual  freedom  has  not 
been  scrupulously  observed?  When  has  any  American  administration  ever 
dealt  more  considerately  and  wisely  with  questions  which  might  have  been 
the  cause  of  conflict  with  foreign  powers?  When  have  more  just  settle- 
ments been  reached  by  peaceful  means?  When  has  any  administration 
wielded  a  more  powerful  influence  for  peace?  and  when  have  we  rested  more 
secure  in  friendship  with  all  mankind? 

Four  years  ago  the  business  of  the  country  was  loaded  with  burdensome 
internal  taxes,  imposed  during  the  war  with  Spain.  By  the  Acts  of  March 
2,  1901,  and  April  12,  1902,  the  country  has  been  wholly  relieved  of  that 
annual  burden  of  over  one  hundred  million  dollars ;  and  the  further  accumu- 
lation of  a  surplus  which  was  constantly  withdrawing  the  money  of  the 
country  from  circulation  has  been  prevented  by  the  reduction  of  taxation. 
(Applause.) 

Between  the  3Oth  of  June,  1900,  and  the  ist  of  June,  1904,  our  Treasury 
Department  collected  in  revenues  the  enormous  sum  of  $2,203,000,000  and 
expended  $2,028,000,000,  leaving  us  with  a  surplus  of  over  $170,000,000  after 
paying  the  $50,000,000  for  the  Panama  canal  and  loaning  $4,600,000  to  the 
St.  Louis  Exposition.  Excluding  those  two  extraordinary  payments,  which 
are  investments  from  past  surplus  and  not  expenditures  of  current  income, 
the  surplus  for  this  year  will  be  the  reasonable  amount  of  about  $12,000,000. 

The  vast  and  complicated  transactions  of  the  Treasury,  which  for  the  last 
fiscal  year  show  actual  cash  receipts  of  $4,250,290,262  and  disbursements  of 
$-4,113,199,414,  have  been  conducted  with  perfect  accuracy  and  fidelity  and 
without  the  loss  of  a  dollar.  Under  wise  management  the  Financial  Act  of 
March  14,  1900,  which  embodied  the  sound  financial  principles  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  and  provided  for  the  maintenance  of  our  currency  on  the  stable 
basis  of  the  gold  standard,  has  wrought  out  beneficent  results.  On  the  ist 
of  November,  1899,  the  interest-bearing  debt  of  the  United  States  was  $i,- 
046,049,020.  On  the  ist  of  May  last  the  amount  of  that  debt  was  $895,157,440, 
a  reduction  of  $150,891,580.  By  refunding,  the  annual  interest  has  been  still 
more  rapidly  reduced  from  $40,347,884  on  the  ist  of  November,  1899,  to 
$24,176,745  on  the  ist  of  June,  1904,  an  annual  saving  of  over  $16,000,000. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          51 

When  the  Financial  Act  was  passed  the  thinly  settled  portions  of  our  coun- 
try were  suffering  for  lack  of  banking  facilities  because  the  banks  were  in 
the  large  towns,  and  none  could  be  organized  with  a  capital  of  less  than 
$50,000.  Under  the  provisions  of  that  Act,  there  were  organized  down  to 
the  ist  of  May  last,  1,296  small  banks  of  $25,000  capital,  furnishing,  under 
all  the  safeguards  of  the  National  Banking  system,  facilities  to  the  small 
communities  of  the  West  and  South.  The  facilities  made  possible  by  that 
Act  have  increased  the  circulation  of  national  banks  from  $254,402,730  on  the 
I4th  of  March,  1900,  to  $445,988,565  on  the  ist  of  June,  1904.  The  money  of 
the  country  in  circulation  has  not  only  increased  in  amount  with  our  growth 
in  business,  but  it  has  steadily  gained  in  the  stability  of  the  basis  on  which 
it  rests.  On  the  ist  of  March,  1897,  when  the  first  administration  of  Mc- 
Kinley  began,  we  had  in  the  country,  including  bullion  in  the  Treasury, 
$1,806,272,076.  This  was  $23.14  per  capita  for  our  population,  and  of  this 
38.893  per  cent  was  gold.  On  the  ist  of  March,  1901,  when  the  second 
administration  of  McKinley  began,  the  money  in  the  country  was  $2,467,295,- 
228.  This  was  $28.34  Per  capita,  and  of  this  45.273  per  cent  was  gold.  On 
the  ist  of  May  last  the  money  in  the  country  was  $2,814,985,446,  which  was 
$31.02  per  capita,  and  of  it  48.028  per  cent  was  gold.  This  great  increase 
of  currency  has  been  arranged  in  such  a  way  that  the  large  government 
notes  in  circulation  are  gold  certificates  while  the  silver  certificates  and 
greenbacks  are  of  small  denominations.  As  the  large  gold  certificates 
represent  gold  actually  on  deposit,  their  presentation  at  the  Treasury  in 
exchange  for  gold  can  never  infringe  upon  the  gold  reserve.  As  the  small 
silver  certificates  and  greenbacks  are  always  in  active  circulation,  no  large 
amount  of  them  can  be  accumulated  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  on  the  gold 
reserve;  and  thus,  while  every  man  can  get  a  gold  dollar  for  every  dollar  of 
the  government's  currency,  the  endless  chain  which  we  were  once  taught  to 
fear  so  much,  has  been  effectively  put  out  of  business.  The  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  has  shown  himself  mindful  of  the  needs  of  business  and  has 
so  managed  our  finances  as  himself  to  expand  and  contract  our  currency 
as  occasion  has  required.  When  in  the  fall  of  1902  the  demand  for  funds 
to  move  the  crops  caused  extraordinary  money  stringency,  the  Secretary 
exercised  his  lawful  right  to  accept  state  and  municipal  bonds  as  security  for 
public  deposits,  thus  liberating  United  States  bonds  which  were  used  for 
additional  circulation.  When  the  crops  were  moved  and  the  stringency  was 
over  he  called  for  a  withdrawal  of  the  state  and  municipal  securities,  and 
thus  contracted  the  currency.  Again,  in  1903,  under  similar  conditions,  he 
produced  similar  results.  The  payment  of  the  $50,000,000  for  the  Panama 
canal  made  last  month  without  causing  the  slightest  disturbance  in  finance, 
showed  good  judgment  and  a  careful  consideration  of  the  interests  of  busi- 
ness upon  which  our  people  may  confidently  rely.  (Applause.) 

Four  years  ago  the  regulation  by  law  of  the  great  corporate  combinations 
called  "trusts"  stood   substantially  where  it  was  when  the  Sherman  Anti- 


62  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Trust  Act  of  1890  was  passed.     President  Cleveland,  in  his  last  message  of 
December,  1896,  had  said: 

"Though  Congress  has  attempted  to  deal  with  this  matter  by  legisla- 
tion, the  laws  passed  for  that  purpose  thus  far  have  proved  ineffective, 
not  because  of  any  lack  of  disposition  or  attempt  to  enforce  them,  but 
simply  because  the  laws  themselves  as  interpreted  by  the  courts  do  not 
reach  the  difficulty.  If  the  insufficiencies  of  existing  laws  can  be  remedied 
by  further  legislation,  it  should  be  done.  The  fact  must  be  recognized, 
however,  that  all  Federal  legislation  on  this  subject  may  fall  short  of  its 
purpose  because  of  inherent  obstacles  and  also  because  of  the  complex 
character  of  our  governmental  system,  which,  while  making  Federal  au- 
thority supreme  within  its  sphere,  has  carefully  limited  that  sphere  by 
metes  and  bounds  that  cannot  be  transgressed." 

At  every  election,  the  regulation  of  trusts  had  been  the  football  of  cam- 
paign oratory  and  the  subject  of  many  insincere  declarations. 

Our  Republican  administration  has  taken  up  the  subject  in  a  practical, 
sensible  way  as  a  business  rather  than  a  political  question,  saying  what  it 
really  meant,  and  doing  what  lay  at  its  hand  to  be  done  to  accomplish  ef- 
fective regulation.  (Applause.)  The  principles  upon  which  the  government 
proceeded  were  stated  by  the  President  in  his  message  of  December,  1902. 
He  said: 

"A  fundamental  base  of  civilization  is  the  inviolability  of  property; 
but  this  is  in  no  wise  inconsistent  with  the  right  of  society  to  regulate  the 
exercise  of  the  artificial  powers  which  it  confers  upon  the  owners  of 
property,  under  the  name  of  corporate  franchises,  in  such  a  way  as  to 
prevent  the  misuse  of  these  powers.  *  *  * 

"We  can  do  nothing  of  good  in  the  way  of  regulating  and  supervising 
these  corporations  until  we  fix  clearly  in  our  minds  that  we  are  not  at- 
tacking the  corporations,  but  endeavoring  to  do  away  with  any  evil  in 
them.  We  are  not  hostile  to  them;  we  are  merely  determined  that  they 
shall  be  so  handled  as  to  subserve  the  public  good.  We  draw  the  line 
against  misconduct,  not  against  wealth.  *  *  * 

"In  curbing  and  regulating  the  combinations  of  capital  which  are  or 
may  become  injurious  to  the  public  we  must  be  careful  not  to  stop  the 
great  enterprises  which  have  legitimately  reduced  the  cost  of  production, 
not  to  abandon  the  place  which  our  country  has  won  in  the  leadership  of 
the  international  industrial  world,  not  to  strike  down  wealth  with  the 
result  of  closing  factories  and  mines,  of  turning  the  wage-worker  idle  in 
the  streets  and  leaving  the  farmer  without  a  market  for  what  he 
grows.  •  •  • 

"I  believe  that  monopolies,  unjust  discriminations,  which  prevent  or 
cripple  competition,  fraudulent  over-capitalization,  and  other  evils  in 
trust  organizations  and  practices  which  injuriously  affect  interstate  trade, 
can  be  prevented  under  the  power  of  the  Congress  to  'regulate  com- 
merce with  foreign  nations  and  among  the  several  States'  through  regu- 
lations and  requirements  operating  directly  upon  such  commerce,  the 
instrumentalities  thereof,  and  those  engaged  therein." 

After  long  consideration,  Congress  passed  three  practical  statutes :  on 
the  nth  of  February,  1903,  an  act  to  expedite  hearings  in  suits  in  enforce- 
ment of  the  Anti-Trust  Act ;  on  the  I4th  of  February,  1903,  the  act  creating 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          53 

a  new  Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor  with  a  Bureau  of  Corporations, 
having  authority  to  secure  systematic  information  regarding  the  organiza- 
tion and  operation  of  corporations  engaged  in  the  interstate  commerce; 
and  on  the  igth  of  February,  1903,  an  act  enlarging  the  powers  of  the  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commission  and  of  the  courts,  to  deal  with  secret  rebates 
in  transportation  charges,  which  are  the  chief  means  by  which  the  trusts  crush 
out  their  smaller  competitors. 

The  Attorney  General  has  gone  on  in  the  same  practical  way,  not  to  talk 
about  the  trusts,  but  to  proceed  against  the  trusts  by  law  for  their  regulation. 
In  separate  suits  fourteen  of  the  great  railroads  of  the  country  have  been  re- 
strained by  injunction  from  giving  illegal  rebates  to  the  favored  shippers, 
who  by  means  of  them  were  driving  out  the  smaller  shippers  and  monopo- 
lizing the  grain  and  meat  business  of  the  country.  The  beef  trust  was  put 
under  injunction.  (Applause.)  The  officers  of  the  railroads  engaged  in  the 
cotton  carrying  pool,  affecting  all  that  great  industry  of  the  South,  were 
indicted  and  have  abandoned  their  combination.  The  Northern  Securities 
Company  which  undertook  by  combining  in  one  ownership  the  capital  stocks 
of  the  Northern  Pacific  and  Great  Northern  Railroads  to  end  traffic  com- 
petition in  the  Northwest,  has  been  destroyed  by  a  vigorous  prosecution 
expedited  and  brought  to  a  speedy  and  effective  conclusion  in  the  Supreme 
Court  under  the  act  of  February  nth,  1903.  (Applause.)  The  Attorney 
General  says : 

"Here,  then,  are  four  phases  of  the  attack  on  the  combinations  in 
restraint  of  trade  and  commerce — the  railroad  injunction  suits,  the  cotton 
pool  cases,  the  beef  trust  cases,  and  the  Northern  Securities  case.  The 
first  relates  to  the  monopoly  produced  by  secret  and  preferential  rates 
for  railroad  transportation;  the  second  to  railroad  traffic  pooling;  the 
third  to  a  combination  of  independent  corporations  to  fix  and  maintain 
extortionate  prices  for  meats;  and  the  fourth  to  a  corporation  organized 
to  merge  into  itself  the  control  of  parallel  and  competing  lines  of  railroad 
and  to  eliminate  competition  in  their  rates  of  transportation." 

The  right  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  to  compel  the  produc- 
tion of  books  and  papers  has  been  established  by  the  judgment  of  the  Su- 
preme court  in  a  suit  against  the  coal  carrying  roads.  Other  suits  have  been 
brought  and  other  indictments  have  been  found  and  other  trusts  have  been 
driven  back  within  legal  bounds.  No  investment  in  lawful  business  has 
been  jeopardized,  no  fair  and  honest  enterprise  has  been  injured;  but  it  is 
certain  that  whenever  the  constitutional  power  of  the  national  government 
reaches,  trusts  are  being  practically  regulated  and  curbed  within  lawful 
bounds  as  they  never  have  been  before,  and  the  men  of  small  capital  are  find- 
ing in  the  efficiency  and  skill  of  the  national  Department  of  Justice  a  pro- 
tection they  never  had  before  against  the  crushing  effect  of  unlawful  com- 
binations. (Applause.) 

We  have  at  last  reached  a  point  where  the  public  wealth  of  farm  land 
which  has  seemed  so  inexhaustible  is  nearly  gone,  and  the  problem  of  utiliz- 


54  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

ing  the  remainder  for  the  building  of  new  homes  has  become  of  vital  im- 
portance. 

The  present  administration  .has  dealt  with  this  problem  vigorously  and 
effectively.  Great  areas  had  been  unlawfully  fenced  in  by  men  of  large 
means,  and  the  home-builder  had  been  excluded.  Many  of  these  unlawful 
aggressors  have  been  compelled  to  relinquish  their  booty,  and  more  than 
2,000,000  acres  of  land  have  been  restored  to  the  public.  (Applause.)  Ex- 
tensive frauds  in  procuring  grants  of  land,  not  for  homesteads  but  for  spec- 
ulation, have  been  investigated  and  stopped,  and  perpetrators  have  been 
indicted  and  are  being  actively  prosecuted.  A  competent  commission  has 
been  constituted  to  examine  into  the  defective  working  of  the  existing  laws 
and  to  suggest  practical  legislation  to  prevent  further  abuse.  That  com- 
mission has  reported,  and  bills  adequate  to  accomplish  the  purpose  have 
been  framed  and  are  before  Congress.  The  further  denudation  of  forest 
areas,  producing  alternate  floods  and  dryness  in  our  river  valleys,  has  been 
checked  by  the  extension  of  forest  reserves,  which  have  been  brought  to 
aggregate  more  than  63,000,000  acres  of  land.  The  reclamation  by  irriga- 
tion of  the  vast  arid  regions  forming  the  chief  part  of  our  remaining  public 
domain,  has  been  provided  for  by  the  National  Reclamation  Law  of  June 
I7th,  1903.  The  execution  of  this  law,  without  taxation  and  by  the  appli- 
cation of  the  proceeds  of  public  land  sales  alone,  through  the  construction 
of  storage  reservoirs  for  water,  will  make  many  millions  of  acres  of  fertile 
lands  available  for  settlement.  Over  $20,000,000  from  these  sources  have 
been  already  received  to  the  credit  of  the  reclamation  fund.  Over  33,000,000 
acres  of  public  lands  in  fourteen  States  and  Territories  have  been  embraced 
in  the  sixty-seven  projects  which  have  been  devised  and  are  under  exam- 
ination, and  on  eight  of  these  work  of  actual  construction  has  begun.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

The  Postal  service  has  been  extended  and  improved.  Its  revenues  have 
increased  from  $76,000,000  in  1895  to  $95,000,000  in  1899,  and  $144,000,000 
in  1904.  In  dealing  with  these  vast  sums,  a  few  cases  of  peculation,  trifling 
in  amount  and  by  subordinate  officers,  have  occurred  there  as  they  occur 
in  every  business.  Neither  fear  nor  favor,  nor  political  or  personal  influ- 
ence has  availed  to  protect  the  wrong-doers.  Their  acts  have  been  detected, 
investigated,  laid  bare;  they  have  been  dismissed  from  their  places,  prose- 
cuted criminally,  indicted,  many  of  them  tried,  and  many  of  them  convicted. 
The  abuses  in  the  carriage  of  second-class  mail  matter  have  been  remedied. 
The  Rural  Free  Delivery  has  been  widely  extended.  It  is  wholly  the  crea- 
tion of  Republican  administration.  The  last  Democratic  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral declared  it  impracticable.  The  first  administration  of  McKinley  proved 
the  contrary.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fiscal  year  1899  there  were  about  200 
routes  in  operation.  There  are  now  more  than  25,000  routes,  bringing  a 
daily  mail  service  to  more  than  12,000,000  of  our  people  in  rural  communi- 
ties, enlarging  the  circulation  of  the  newspaper  and  the  magazine,  increas- 
ing communication,  and  relieving  the  isolation  of  life  on  the  farm. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          55 

The  Department  of  Agriculture  has  been  brought  to  a  point  of  efficiency 
and  practical  benefit  never  before  known.  The  Oleomargarine  Act  of  May 
9,  1902,  now  sustained  in  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  Act  of  July  I,  1902,  to 
prevent  the  false  branding  of  food  and  dairy  products — protect  farmers 
against  fraudulent  imitations.  The  Act  of  February  2,  1903,  enables  the 
Secretary  of  Agriculture  to  prevent  the  spread  of  contagious  and  infectious 
diseases  of  live  stock.  Rigid  inspection  has  protected  our  cattle  against  in- 
fection from  abroad,  and  has  established  the  highest  credit  for  our  meat  prod- 
ucts in  the  markets  of  the  world.  The  earth  has  been  searched  for  weapons 
with  which  to  fight  the  enemies  that  destroy  the  growing  crops.  An  insect 
brought  from  near  the  Great  Wall  of  China  has  checked  the  San  Jose  scale 
which  was  destroying  our  orchards ;  a  parasitic  fly  brought  from  South  Af- 
rica is  exterminating  the  black  scale  in  the  lemon  and  orange  groves  of  Cali- 
fornia ;  and  an  ant  from  Guatemala  is  about  offering  battle  to  the  boll  weevil. 
Broad  science  has  been  brought  to  the  aid  of  limited  experience.  (Ap- 
plause.) Study  of  the  relations  between  plant  life  and  climate  and  soil  has 
been  followed,  by  the  introduction  of  special  crops  suited  to  our  varied  con- 
ditions. The  introduction  of  just  the  right  kind  of  seed  has  enabled  the  Gulf 
States  to  increase  our  rice  crop  from  115,000,000  pounds  in  1898  to  400,- 
000,000  pounds  in  1903,  and  to  supply  the  entire  American  demand,  with  a 
surplus  for  export.  The  right  kind  of  sugar  beet  has  increased  our  annual 
production  of  beet  sugar  by  over  200,000  tons.  Seed  brought  from  countries 
of  little  rain  fall  is  producing  millions  of  bushels  of  grain  on  lands  which 
a  few  years  ago  were  deemed  a  hopeless  part  of  the  arid  belt. 

The  systematic  collection  and  publication  of  information  regarding  the 
magnitude  and  conditions  of  our  crops  is  mitigating  the  injury  done'by  spec- 
ulation to  the  farmer's  market. 

To  increase  the  profit  of  the  farmer's  toil,  to  protect  the  farmer's  product 
and  extend  his  market,  and  to  improve  the  conditions  of  the  farmer's  life; 
to  advance  the  time  when  America  shall  raise  within  her  own  limits  every 
product  of  the  soil  consumed  by  her  people,  as  she  makes  within  her  own 
limits  every  necessary  product  of  manufacture, — these  have  been  cardinal 
objects  of  Republican  administration;  and  we  show  a  record  of  practical 
things  done  toward  the  accomplishment  of  these  objects  never  before  ap- 
proached. (Applause.) 

Four  years  ago  we  held  the  Island  of  Cuba  by  military  occupation.  The 
opposition  charged,  and  the  people  of  Cuba  believed,  that  we  did  not  intend 
to  keep  the  pledge  of  April  20,  1898;  that  when  the  pacification  of  Cuba  was 
accomplished  we  should  leave  the  government  and  control  of  the  Islands  to 
its  people.  The  new  policy  towards  Cuba  which  should  follow  the  fulfill- 
ment of  that  pledge  was  unformed.  During  the  four  years  it  has  been  worked 
out  in  detail  and  has  received  effect.  It  was  communicated  by  executive  or- 
der to  the  Military  Governor.  It  was  embodied  in  the  Act  of  Congress 
known  as  the  Platt  Amendment.  It  was  accepted  by  the  Cuban  Constitu- 
tional Convention  on  the  I2th  of  October,  1901.  It  secured  to  Cuba  her 
liberty  and  her  independence,  but  it  required  her  to  maintain  them.  It  for- 


56  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

bade  her  ever  to  use  the  freedom  we  had  earned  for  her  by  so  great  a  sac- 
rifice of  blood  and  treasure,  to  give  the  island  to  any  other  power ;  it  re- 
quired her  to  maintain  a  government  adequate  for  the  protection  of  life  and 
property  and  liberty,  and  should  she  fail,  it  gave  us  the  right  to  intervene 
for  the  maintenance  of  such  a  government.  And  it  gave  us  the  right  to 
naval  stations  upon  her  coast  for  the  protection  and  defense  alike  of  Cuba 
and  the  United  States.  (Applause.) 

On  the  2Oth  of  May,  1902,  under  a  constitution  which  embodied  these 
stipulations,  the  government  and  control  of  Cuba  were  surrendered  to  the 
President  and  Congress  elected  by  her  people,  and  the  American  army 
sailed  away.  The  new  Republic  began  its  existence  with  an  administration 
of  Cubans  completely  organized  in  all  its  branches  and  trained  to  effective 
service  by  American  officers.  The  administration  of  President  Palma  has 
been  wise  and  efficient.  Peace  and  order  have  prevailed.  The  people  of 
Cuba  are  prosperous  and  happy.  Her  finances  have  been  honestly  admin- 
istered, and  her  credit  is  high.  The  naval  stations  have  been  located  and 
bounded  at  Guantanamo  and  Bahia  Honda,  and  are  in  the  possession  of  our 
navy.  The  Platt  Amendment  is  the  sheet  anchor  of  Cuban  independence  and 
of  Cuban  credit.  (Applause.)  No  such  revolutions  as  have  afflicted  Cen- 
tral and  South  Africa  are  possible  there,  because  it  is  known  to  all  men  that 
an  attempt  to  overturn  the  foundations  of  that  government  will  be  confronted 
by  the  overwhelming  power  of  the  United  States.  The  treaty  of  reciprocity 
and  the  Act  of  Congress  of  December  6,  1903,  which  confirmed  it,  completed 
the  expression  of  our  policy  towards  Cuba;  which  with  a  far  view  to  the 
future  aims  to  bind  to  us  by  ties  of  benefit  and  protection,  of  mutual  inter- 
est and  genuine  friendship,  that  island  which  guards  the  Caribbean  and  the 
highway  to  the  Isthmus,  and  must  always  be,  if  hostile,  an  outpost  of  attack, 
and,  if  friendly,  an  outpost  of  defense  for  the  United  States.  Rich  as  we 
are,  the  American  people  have  no  more  valuable  possession  than  the  senti- 
ment expressed  in  the  dispatch  which  I  will  now  read : 

"Havana,    May   20,    1902. 
Theodore  Roosevelt, 

President,  "Washington. 

The  government  of  the  Island  having  been  just  transferred,  I,  as 
Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Republic,  faithfully  interpreting  the  sentiment  of 
the  whole  people  of  Cuba,  have  the  honor  to  send  you  and  the  American 
people  testimony  of  our  profound  gratitude  and  the  assurance  of  an  en- 
during friendship,  with  wishes  and  prayers  to  the  Almighty  for  the  wel- 
fare and  prosperity  of  the  United  States. 

T.  Estrada  Palma." 

When  the  last  National  Convention  met  the  Philippines  also  were  under 
military  rule.  The  insurrectos  from  the  mountains  spread  terror  among  the 
peaceful  people  by  midnight  foray  and  secret  assassination.  Aguinaldo 
bided  his  time  in  a  secret  retreat.  Over  seventy  thousand  American  sol- 
diers from  more  than  five  hundred  stations,  held  a  still  vigorous  enemy  in 
check.  The  Philippine  Commission  had  not  yet  begun  its  work. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          57 

The  last  vestige  of  insurrection  has  been  swept  away.  (Applause.)  With 
their  work  accomplished,  over  55,000  American  troops  have  been  brought 
back  across  the  Pacific.  Civil  government  has  been  established  through- 
out the  Archipelago.  Peace  and  order  and  justice  prevail.  The  Philippine 
Commission,  guided  at  first  by  executive  order  and  then  by  the  wise  legislation 
of  Congress  in  the  Philippine  Government  Act  of  July  i,  1902,  have  estab- 
lished and  conducted  a  government  which  has  been  a  credit  to  their  coun- 
try and  a  blessing  to  the  people  of  the  islands.  The  body  of  laws  which 
they  have  enacted  upon  careful  and  intelligent  study  of  the  needs  of  the 
country  challenges  comparison  with  the  statutes  of  any  country.  The  per- 
sonnel of  civil  government  has  been  brought  together  under  an  advanced 
and  comprehensive  civil  service  law,  which  has  been  rigidly  enforced.  A 
complete  census  has  been  taken,  designed  to  be  there,  as  it  was  in  Cuba, 
the  basis  for  representative  government ;  and  the  people  of  the  islands  will 
soon  proceed  under  provisions  already  made  by  Congress  to  the  election  of  a 
representative  assembly,  in  which  for  the  first  time  in  their  history  they 
may  have  a  voice  in  the  making  of  their  own  laws.  In  the  meantime  the  local 
and  provincial  governments  are  in  the  hands  of  officers  elected  by  the  Fili- 
pinos ;  and  in  the  great  central  offices,  in  the  Commission,  on  the  Bench,  in 
the  executive  departments,  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the  Filipino  race 
are  taking  their  part  in  the  government  of  their  people.  A  free  school  sys- 
tem has  been  established  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  children  are  learning 
lessons  which  will  help  fit  them  for  self-government.  The  seeds  of  religious 
strife  existing  in  the  bitter  controversy  between  the  people  and  the  religious 
orders  have  been  deprived  of  potency  for  harm  by  the  purchase  of  the  Friars' 
lands,  and  their  practical  withdrawal.  By  the  Act  of  Congress  of  March  2, 
1903,  a  gold  standard  has  been  established  to  take  the  place  of  the  fluctuating 
silver  currency.  The  unit  of  value  is  made  exactly  one-half  the  value  of 
the  American  gold  dollar,  so  that  American  money  is  practically  part  of  their 
currency  system.  To  enable  the  Philippine  government  to  issue  this  new 
currency,  $6,000,000  was  borrowed  by  them  in  1903  in  the  city  of  New  York ; 
and  it  was  borrowed  at  a  net  interest  charge  of  i^  per  cent  per  annum. 
The  trade  of  the  islands  has  increased,  notwithstanding  adverse  conditions. 
During  the  last  five  years'  of  peace  under  Spanish  rule,  the  average  total 
trade  of  the  islands  was  less  than  $36,000,000.  During  the  fiscal  year  end- 
ing June  30,  1903,  the  trade  of  the  islands  was  over  $66,000,000.  There  is 
but  one  point  of  disturbance,  and  that  is  in  the  country  of  the  Mohamme- 
dan Moros,  where  there  is  an  occasional  fitful  savage  outbreak  against  the 
enforcement  of  the  law  recently  made  to  provide  for  adequate  supervision  and 
control  to  put  an  end  to  the  practice  of  human  slavery. 

When  Governor  Taft  sailed  from  Manila  in  December  last  to  fill  the 
higher  office  where  he  will  still  guard  the  destinies  of  the  people  for  whom 
he  has  done  such  great  and  noble  service,  he  was  followed  to  the  shore  by 
a  mighty  throng,  not  of  repressed  and  sullen  subjects,  but  of  free  and  peace- 
ful people,  whose  tears  and  prayers  of  affectionate  farewell  showed  that 


58  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

they  had  already  begun  to  learn  that  "our  flag  has  not  lost  its  gift  of  bene- 
diction in  its  world-wide  journey  to  their  shores."  (Applause.) 

None  can  foretell  the  future ;  but  there  seems  no  reasonable  cause  to 
doubt,  that  under  the  policy  already  effectively  inaugurated,  the  institutions 
already  implanted,  and  the  processes  already  begun,  in  the  Philippine  Islands, 
if  these  be  not  repressed  and  interrupted,  the  Philippine  people  will  follow  in 
the  footsteps  of  the  people  of  Cuba ;  that  more  slowly  indeed,  because  they 
are  not  as  advanced,  yet  as  surely,  they  will  grow  in  capacity  for  self-gov- 
ernment, and  receiving  power  as  they  grow  in  capacity,  will  come  to  bear  sub- 
stantially such  relations  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  as  do  now  the  peo- 
ple of  Cuba,  differing  in  details  as  conditions  and  needs  differ,  but  the  same 
in  principle  and  the  same  in  beneficent  results.  (Applause.) 

In  1900  the  project  of  an  isthmian  canal  stood  where  it  was  left  by  the 
Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  of  1850.  For  half  a  century  it  had  halted,  with 
Great  Britain  resting  upon  a  joint  right  of  control,  and  the  great  undertaking 
of  de  Lesseps  struggling  against  the  doom  of  failure  imposed  by  extrava- 
gance and  corruption.  On  the  i8th  of  November,  1901,  the  Hay-Pauncefote 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  relieved  the  enterprise  of  the  right  of  British  con- 
trol and  left  that  right  exclusively  in  the  United  States.  Then  followed 
swiftly  the  negotiations  and  protocols  with  Nicaragua ;  the  Isthmian  Canal 
Act  of  June  28,  1902;  the  just  agreement  with  the  French  Canal  Company  to 
pay  them  the  value  of  the  work  they  had  done ;  the  negotiation  and  ratifi- 
cation of  the  treaty  with  Colombia;  the  rejection  of  that  treaty  by  Colombia 
in  violation  of  our  rights  and  the  world's  right  to  the  passage  of  the  isth- 
mus ;  the  seizure  by  Panama  of  the  opportunity  to  renew  her  oft-repeated 
effort  to  throw  off  the  hateful  and  oppressive  yoke  of  Colombia  and  resume 
the  independence  which  once  had  been  hers  and  of  which  she  had  been  de- 
prived by  fraud  and  force ;  the  success  of  the  revolution ;  our  recognition 
of  the  new  republic,  followed  by  recognition  from  substantially  all  the  civ- 
ilized powers  of  the  world ;  the  treaty  with  Panama  recognizing  and  confirm- 
ing our  right  to  construct  the  canal ;  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  by  the 
Senate ;  confirmatory  legislation  by  Congress ;  the  payment  of  the  $50,000,000 
to  the  French  Company  and  to  Panama;  the  appointment  of  the  Canal  Com- 
mission in  accordance  with  law ;  and  its  organization  to  begin  the  work. 

The  action  of  the  United  States  at  every  step  has  been  in  accordance  with 
the  law  of  nations,  consistent  with  the  principles  of  justice  and  honor,  in 
discharge  of  the  trust  to  build  the  canal  we  long  since  assumed,  by  denying 
the  right  of  every  other  power  to  build  it,  dictated  by  a  high  and  unselfish 
purpose,  for  the  common  benefit  of  all  mankind.  (Applause.)  That  action 
was  wise,  considerate,  prompt,  vigorous  and  effective ;  and  now  the  greatest 
of  constructive  nations  stands  ready  and  competent  to  begin  and  to  accom- 
plish the  great  enterprise  which  shall  realize  the  dreams  of  past  ages,  bind 
together  our  Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts,  and  open  a  new  highway  for  that 
commerce  of  the  Orient  whose  course  has  controlled  the  rise  and  fall  of 
civilizations.  Success  in  that  enterprise  greatly  concerns  the  credit  and 
honor  of  the  American  people,  and  it  is  for  them  to  say  whether  the  build- 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          59 

ing  of  the  canal  shall  be  in  charge  of  the  men  who  made  its  building  possible, 
or  of  the  weaklings  whose  incredulous  objections  would  have  postponed  it 
for  another  generation.  (Applause.) 

Throughout  the  world  the  diplomacy  of  the  present  administration  has 
made  for  peace  and  justice  among  nations.  Clear-sighted  to  perceive  and 
prompt  to  maintain  American  interests,  it  has  been  sagacious  and  simple  and 
direct  in  its  methods,  and  considerate  of  the  rights  and  of  the  feelings  of 
others. 

Within  the  month  after  the  last  National  Convention  met,  Secretary  Hay's 
circular  note  of  July  3,  1900,  to  the  Great  Powers  of  Europe  had  declared 
the  policy  of  the  United  States 

"to  seek  a  solution  which  may  bring  about  permanent  safety  and  peace 
to  China,  preserve  China's  territorial  and  administrative  entity,  protect 
all  rights  guaranteed  to  friendly  powers  by  treaty  and  international  law, 
and  safeguard  for  the  world  the  principle  of  equal  and  impartial  trade 
with  all  parts  of  the  Chinese  Empire." 

The  express  adherence  of  the  Powers  of  Europe  to  this  declaration  was 
secured.  The  open  recognition  of  the  rule  of  right  conduct  imposed  its  lim- 
itations upon  the  conduct  of  the  Powers  in  the  Orient.  It  was  made  the 
test  of  defensible  action.  Carefully  guarded  by  the  wise  statesman  who  had 
secured  its  acceptance,  it  brought  a  moral  force  of  recognized  value  to  pro- 
tect peaceful  and  helpless  China  from  dismemberment  and  spoliation,  and 
to  preserve  the  Open  Door  in  the  Orient  for  the  commerce  of  the  world. 
Under  the  influence  of  this  effective  friendship,  a  new  commercial  treaty 
with  China,  proclaimed  on  the  8th  of  October  last,  has  enlarged  our  oppor- 
tunities for  trade,  opened  new  ports  to  our  commerce,  and  abolished  internal 
duties  on  goods  in  transit  within  the  Empire.  There  were  indeed  other  na- 
tions which  agreed  with  this  policy  of  American  diplomacy,  but  no  other 
nation  was  free  from  suspicion  of  selfish  aims.  None  other  had  won  con- 
fidence in  the  sincerity  of  its  purpose,  and  none  other  but  America  could 
render  the  service  which  we  have  rendered  to  humanity  in  China  during 
the  past  four  years.  High  evidence  of  that  enviable  position  of  our  coun- 
try is  furnished  by  the  fact  that  when  all  Europe  was  in  apprehension  lest 
the  field  of  war  between  Russia  and  Japan  should  so  spread  as  to  involve 
China's  ruin  and  a  universal  conflict,  it  was  to  the  American  government 
that  the  able  and  far-sighted  German  Emperor  appealed,  to  take  the  lead 
again  in  bringing  about  an  agreement  for  the  limitation  of  the  field  of  action, 
and  the  preservation  of  the  administrative  entity  of  China  outside  of  Man- 
churia ;  and  that  was  accomplished. 

Upon  our  own  continent  a  dispute  with  Canada  over  the  boundary  of 
Alaska  had  been  growing  more  acute  for  thirty  years.  A  multitude  of  min- 
ers, swift  to  defend  their  own  rights  by  force,  were  locating  mining  claims 
under  the  laws  of  both  countries  in  the  disputed  territory.  At  any  moment 
a  fatal  affray  between  Canadian  and  American  miners  was  liable  to  begin 
a  conflict  in  which  all  British  Columbia  would  be  arrayed  on  one  side  and  all 
our  Northwest  upon  the  other.  Agreement  was  impossible.  But  the  Alas- 


60  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

kan  Boundary  Treaty  of  January  24,  1903,  provided  a  tribunal  for  the  deci- 
sion of  the  controversy ;  and  upon  legal  proofs  and  reasoned  argument,  an 
appeal  has  been  had  from  prejudice  and  passion  to  judicial  judgment;  and 
under  the  lead  of  a  great  Chief  Justice  of  England,  who  held  the  sacred 
obligations  of  his  judicial  office  above  all  other  considerations,  the  dispute 
has  been  settled  forever  and  substantially,  in  accordance  with  the  American 
contention.  (Applause.) 

In  1900  the  first  administration  of  McKinley  had  played  a  great  part  in 
establishing  The  Hague  Tribunal  for  international  arbitration.  The  pre- 
vailing opinion  of  Europe  was  incredulous  as  to  the  practical  utility  of  the 
provision,  and  anticipated  a  paper  tribunal  unsought  by  litigants.  It  was 
the  example  of  the  United  States  which  set  at  naught  this  opinion.  The  first 
international  case  taken  to  The  Hague  Tribunal  was  under  our  protocol  with 
Mexico  of  May  22,  1902,  submitting  our  contention  for  the  rights  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  in  California  to  a  share  of  the  church  moneys  held 
by  the  Mexican  Government  before  the  cession,  and  known  as  the  Pious 
Fund ;  and  the  first  decision  of  the  Tribunal  was  an  award  in  our  favor  upon 
that  question.  (Applause.) 

When  in  1903  the  failure  of  Venezuela  to  pay  her  just  debts  led  England, 
Germany  and  Italy  to  warlike  measures  for  the  collection  of  their  claims,  an 
appeal  by  Venezuela  to  our  government  resulted  in  agreements  upon  arbi- 
tration in  place  of  the  war,  and  in  a  request  that  our  President  should  act  as 
arbitrator.  Again  he  promoted  the  authority  and  prestige  of  The  Hague 
Tribunal,  and  was  able  to  lead  all  the  powers  to  submit  the  crucial  question 
in  controversy  to  the  determination  of  that  court.  It  is  due  greatly  to  sup- 
port by  the  American  government  that  this  agency  for  peace  has  disappointed 
the  expectations  of  its  detractors,  and  by  demonstrations  of  practical  useful- 
ness has  begun  a  career  fraught  with  possibilities  of  incalculable  benefit  to 
mankind. 

On  the  nth  of  April,  1903,  was  proclaimed  another  convention  between 
all  the  Great  Powers  agreeing  upon  more  humane  rules  for  the  conduct  of 
war;  and  these  in  substance  incorporated  and  gave  the  sanction  of  the  civ- 
ilized world  to  the  rules  drafted  by  Francis  Lieber  and  approved  by  Abraham 
Lincoln  for  the  conduct  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  in  the  field. 

All  Americans  who  desire  safe  and  conservative  administration  which  shall 
avoid  cause  of  quarrel,  all  who  abhor  war,  all  who  long  for  the  perfect  sway 
of  the  principles  of  that  religion  which  we  all  profess,  should  rejoice  that 
under  this  Republican  administration  their  country  has  attained  a  potent 
leadership  among  the  nations  in  the  cause  of  peace  and  international  justice. 
(Applause.) 

The  respect  and  moral  power  thus  gained  has  been  exercised  in  the  inter- 
ests of  humanity,  where  the  rules  of  diplomatic  intercourse  have  made  formal 
intervention  impossible.  When  the  Roumanian  outrages  and  when  the  ap- 
palling massacre  at  Kishineff,  shocked  civilization,  and  filled  thousands  of 
our  own  people  with  mourning,  the  protest  of  America  was  heard  through 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          61 

the  voice  of  its  government,  with  full  observance  of  diplomatic  rules,  but 
with  moral  power  and  effect.  (Applause.) 

We  have  advanced  the  authority  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Our  adherence 
to  the  convention  which  established  The  Hague  Tribunal  was  accepted  by  the 
other  powers,  with  a  formal  declaration  that  nothing  therein  contained  should 
be  construed  to  imply  the  relinquishment  by  the  United  States  of  its  tradi- 
tional attitude  toward  purely  American  questions.  The  armed  demonstra- 
tion by  the  European  powers  against  Venezuela  was  made  the  occasion  for 
disclaimers  to  the  United  States  of  any  intention  to  seize  the  territory  of 
Venezuela,  recognizing  in  the  most  unmistakable  way  the  rights  of  the 
United  States  expressed  in  the  declaration  of  that  traditional  policy. 

In  the  meantime,  mindful  that  moral  powers  unsupported  by  physical 
strength  do  not  always  avail  against  selfishness  and  aggression,  we  have 
been  augmenting  the  forces  which  command  respect.  (Applause.) 

We  have  brought  our  navy  to  a  high  state  of  efficiency  and  have  exer- 
cised both  army  and  navy  in  the  methods  of  seacoast  defense.  The  joint 
Army  and  Navy  Board  has  been  bringing  the  two  services  together  in  good 
understanding  and  the  common  study  of  the  strategy,  the  preparation  and 
the  co-operation  which  will  make  them  effective  in  time  of  need.  Our 
ships  have  been  exercised  in  fleet  and  squadron  movements,  have  been  im- 
proved in  marksmanship  and  mobility,  and  have  been  constantly  tested  by 
use.  Since  the  last  National  Convention  met  we  have  completed  and  added 
to  our  navy  5  battleships,  4  cruisers,  4  monitors,  34  torpedo  destroyers  and 
torpedo  boats ;  while  we  have  put  under  construction  13  battleships  and  13 
cruisers. 

Four  years  ago  our  army  numbered  over  100,000  men — regulars  and  vol- 
unteers— 75  per  cent  of  them  in  the  Philippines  and  China.  Under  the  oper- 
ation of  statutes  limiting  the  period  of  service,  it  was  about  to  lapse  back 
into  its  old  and  insufficient  number  of  27,000,  and  its  old  and  insufficient 
organization  under  the  practical  control  of  permanent  staff  departments  at 
Washington,  with  the  same  divisions  of  counsel  and  lack  of  co-ordinating 
and  directing  power  at  the  head,  that  led  to  confusion  and  scandal  in  the  war 
with  Spain.  During  the  past  four  years  the  lessons  taught  by  that  war  have 
received  practical  effect.  The  teachings  of  Sherman  and  of  Upton  have 
been  recalled  and  respected.  Congress  has  fixed  a  maximum  of  the  army 
at  100,000,  and  a  minimum  at  60,000,  so  that  maintaining  only  the  minimum 
in  peace,  as  we  now  do,  when  war  threatens  the  President  may  begin  prep- 
aration by  filling  the  ranks  to  the  maximum,  without  waiting  until  after  war 
has  begun,  as  he  had  to  wait  in  1898.  Permanent  staff  appointments  have 
been  changed  to  details  from  the  line,  with  compulsory  returns  at  fixed  in- 
tervals to  service  with  troops,  so  that  the  requirements  of  the  field  and  the 
camp  rather  than  the  requirements  of  the  office  desk  shall  control  the  de- 
partments of  administration  and  supply.  A  corps  organization  has  been 
provided  for  our  artillery,  with  a  chief  of  artillery  at  the  head,  so  that  there 
may  be  intelligent  use  of  our  costly  seacoast  defenses.  Under  the  Act  of 
February  14,  1903,  a  general  staff  has  been  established,  organized  to  suit 


62  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

American  conditions  and  requirements  and  adequate  for  the  performance  of 
the  long-neglected  but  all-important  duties  of  directing  military  education 
and  training,  and  applying  the  most  advanced  principles  of  military  science 
to  that  necessary  preparation  for  war  which  is  the  surest  safeguard  of 
peace.  The  command  of  the  army  now  rests  where  it  is  placed  by  the  Con- 
stitution— in  the  President.  His  power  is  exercised  through  a  military  chief 
of  staff,  pledged  by  the  conditions  and  tenure  of  his  office  to  confidence  and 
loyalty  to  his  commander.  Thus  civilian  control  of  the  military  arm,  upon 
which  we  must  always  insist,  is  reconciled  with  that  military  efficiency  which 
can  be  obtained  only  under  the  direction  of  the  trained  military  expert. 

Four  years  ago  we  were  living  under  an  obsolete  militia  law  more  than 
a  century  old,  which  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Madison,  and  almost 
every  president  since  their  time,  had  declared  to  be  worthless.  We  pre- 
sented the  curious  spectacle  of  a  people  depending  upon  a  citizen  soldiery 
for  protection  against  aggression,  and  making  practically  no  provision  what- 
ever for  training  its  citizens  in  the  use  of  warlike  weapons  or  in  the  ele- 
mentary duties  of  the  soldier.  The  mandate  of  the  Constitution  which  re- 
quired Congress  to  provide  for  organizing,  arming  and  disciplining  the  militia 
had  been  left  unexecuted.  In  default  of  national  provisions,  bodies  of  state 
troops,  created  for  local  purposes  and  supported  at  local  expense,  had  grown 
up  throughout  the  Union.  Their  feelings  towards  the  regular  army  were 
rather  of  distrust  and  dislike  than  of  comradeship.  Their  arms,  equipment, 
discipline,  organization,  and  methods  of  obtaining  and  accounting  for  sup- 
plies were  varied  and  inconsistent.  They  were  unsuited  to  become  a  part 
of  any  homogeneous  force,  and  their  relations  to  the  army  of  the  United 
States  were  undefined  and  conjectural.  By  the  Militia  Act  of  January  20, 
IQO3>  Congress  performed  its  duty  under  the  Constitution.  Leaving  these 
bodies  still  to  perform  their  duties  to  the  States,  it  made  them  the  organized 
militia  of  the  United  States.  It  provided  for  their  conformity  in  armament, 
organization  and  discipline  to  the  army  of  the  United  States ;  it  provided 
the  ways  in  which,  either  strictly  as  militia  or  as  volunteers,  they  should  be- 
come an  active  part  of  the  army  when  called  upon;  it  provided  for  their 
training,  instruction  and  exercise  conjointly  with  the  regular  army;  it  im- 
posed upon  the  regular  army  the  duty  of  promoting  their  efficiency  in  many 
ways.  In  recognition  of  the  service  to  the  nation  which  these  citizen  soldiers 
would  be  competent  to  render,  the  nation  assumed  its  share  of  the  burden  of 
their  armament,  their  supply  and  their  training.  The  workings  of  this  sys- 
tem have  already  demonstrated,  not  only  that  we  can  have  citizens  outside 
of  the  regular  army  trained  for  duty  in  war,  but  that  we  can  have  a  body  of 
volunteer  officers  ready  for  service,  between  whom  and  the  officers  of  the 
regular  army  have  been  created  by  intimate  association  and  mutual  helpful- 
ness, those  relations  of  confidence  and  esteem  without  which  no  army  can  be 
effective.  (Applause.) 

The  first  administration  of  McKinley  fought  and  won  the  war  with  Spain, 
put  down  the  insurrection  in  the  Philippines,  annexed  Hawaii,  rescued  the 
legations  in  Pekin,  brought  Porto  Rico  into  our  commercial  system,  enacted 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          63 

a  protective  tariff,  and  established  our  national  currency  on  the  firm  foun- 
dations of  the  gold  standard  by  the  financial  legislation  of  the  s6th  Congress. 
(Applause.) 

The  present  administration  has  reduced  taxation,  reduced  the  public  debt, 
reduced  the  annual  interest  charge,  made  effective  progress  in  the  regula- 
tion of  trusts,  fostered  business,  promoted  agriculture,  built  up  the  navy,  re- 
organized the  army,  resurrected  the  militia  system,  inaugurated  a  new  policy 
for  the  preservation  and  reclamation  of  public  lands,  given  civil  government 
to  the  Philippines,  established  the  Republic  of  Cuba,  bound  it  to  us  by  ties  of 
gratitude  of  commercial  interest  and  of  common  defense,  swung  open  the 
closed  gateway  of  the  Isthmus,  strengthened  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  ended 
the  Alaskan  boundary  dispute,  protected  the  integrity  of  China,  opened  wider 
its  doors  of  trade,  advanced  the  principle  of  arbitration,  and  promoted  peace 
among  the  nations.  (Applause.) 

We  challenge  judgment  upon  this  record  of  effective  performance  in  leg- 
islation, in  execution  and  in  administration. 

The  work  is  not  fully  done;  policies  are  not  completely  wrought  out; 
domestic  questions  still  press  continually  for  solution ;  other  trusts  must  be 
regulated ;  the  tariff  may  presently  receive  revision,  and  if  so,  should  receive 
it  at  the  hands  of  the  friends  and  not  the  enemies  of  the  protective  system; 
the  new  Philippine  government  has  only  begun  to  develop  its  plans  for  the 
benefit  of  that  long-neglected  country;  our  flag  floats  on  the  Isthmus,  but 
the  canal  is  yet  to  be  built;  peace  does  not  yet  reign  on  earth,  and  consid- 
erate firmness  backed  by  strength  are  still  needful  in  diplomacy. 

The  American  people  have  now  to  say,  whether  policies  shall  be  reversed 
or  committed  to  unfriendly  guardians ;  whether  performance,  which  now 
proves  itself  for  the  benefit  and  honor  of  our  country,  shall  be  transferred 
to  unknown  and  perchance  to  feeble  hands. 

No  dividing  line  can  be  drawn  athwart  the  course  of  this  successful  ad- 
ministration. The  fatal  I4th  of  September,  1901,  marked  no  change  of  pol- 
icy, no  lower  level  of  achievement.  The  bullet  of  the  assassin  robbed  us 
of  the  friend  we  loved ;  it  took  away  from  the  people  the  President  of  their 
choice ;  it  deprived  civilization  of  a  potent  force  making  always  for  righteous- 
ness and  for  humanity.  But  the  fabric  of  free  institutions  remained  un- 
shaken. The  government  of  the  people  went  on.  The  great  party  that 
William  McKinley  led,  wrought  still  in  the  spirit  of  his  example.  His  true 
and  loyal  successor  has  been  equal  to  the  burden  cast  upon  him.  Widely  dif- 
ferent in  temperament  and  methods,  he  has  approved  himself  of  the  same 
elemental  virtues — the  same  fundamental  beliefs.  With  faithful  and  rever- 
ing memory,  he  has  executed  the  purposes  and  continued  unbroken  the  policy 
of  President  McKinley  for  the  peace,  prosperity  and  honor  of  our  beloved 
country.  And  he  has  met  all  new  occasions  with  strength  and  resolution  and 
far-sighted  wisdom.  (Applause.) 

As  we  gather  in  this  convention,  our  hearts  go  back  to  the  friend — the 
never  to  be  forgotten  friend — whom  when  last  we  met  we  acclaimed  with 
one  accord  as  our  universal  choice  to  bear  a  second  time  the  highest  honor 


64  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

in  the  nation's  gift ;  and  back  still,  memory  goes  through  many  a  year  of 
leadership  and  loyalty. 

How  wise  and  how  skillful  he  was!  how  modest  and  self-effacing!  how 
deep  his  insight  into  the  human  heart!  how  swift  the  intuitions  of  his  sym- 
pathy !  how  compelling  the  charm  of  his  gracious  presence !  He  was  so 
unselfish,  so  thoughtful  of  the  happiness  of  others,  so  genuine  a  lover  of  his 
country  and  his  kind.  And  he  was  the  kindest  and  tenderest  friend  who 
ever  grasped  another's  hand.  Alas,  that  his  virtues  did  plead  in  vain  against 
cruel  fate ! 

Yet  we  may  rejoice,  that  while  he  lived  he  was  crowned  with  honor;  that 
the  rancor  of  party  strife  had  ceased ;  that  success  in  his  great  tasks,  the 
restoration  of  peace,  the  approval  of  his  countrymen,  the  affection  of  his 
friends, — gave  the  last  quiet  months  in  his  home  at  Canton  repose  and  con- 
tentment. 

And  with  McKinley  we  remember  Hanna  with  affection  and  sorrow — his 
great  lieutenant.  (Applause.)  They  are  together  again. 

But  we  turn  as  they  would  have  us  turn,  to  the  duties  of  the  hour,  the 
hopes  of  the  future;  we  turn  as  they  would  have  us  turn,  to  prepare  our- 
selves for  struggle  under  the  same  standard  borne  in  other  hands  by  right  of 
true  inheritance.  Honor,  truth,  courage,  purity  of  life,  domestic  virtue,  love 
of  country,  loyalty  to  high  ideals — all  these  combined  with  active  intelligence, 
with  learning,  with  experience  in  affairs,  with  the  conclusive  proof  of  com- 
petency afforded  by  wise  and  conservative  administration,  by  great  things  al- 
ready done  and  great  results  already  achieved, — all  these  we  bring  to  the 
people  with  another  candidate.  Shall  not  these  have  honor  in  our  land? 
Truth,  sincerity,  courage !  these  underlie  the  fabric  of  our  institutions. 
Upon  hypocrisy  and  sham,  upon  cunning  and  false  pretense,  upon  weakness 
and  cowardice,  upon  the  arts  of  the  demagogue  and  the  devices  of  the  mere 
politician, — no  government  can  stand.  No  system  of  popular  government 
can  endure  in  which  the  people  do  not  believe  and  trust.  Our  President  has 
taken  the  whole  people  into  his  confidence.  Incapable  of  deception,  he  has 
put  aside  concealment.  Frankly  and  without  reserve,  he  has  told  them  what 
their  government  was  doing,  and  the  reasons.  It  is  no  campaign  of  appear- 
ances upon  which  we  enter,  for  the  people  know  the  good  and  the  bad,  the 
success  and  failure,  to  be  credited  and  charged  to  our  account.  It  is  no 
campaign  of  sounding  words  and  specious  pretenses,  for  our  President  has 
told  the  people  with  frankness  what  he  believed  and  what  he  intended.  He 
has  meant  every  word  he  said,  and  the  people  have  believed  every  word  he  said, 
and  with  him  this  convention  agrees  because  every  word  has  been  sound 
Republican  doctrine.  No  people  can  maintain  free  government  who  do  not 
in  their  hearts  value  the  qualities  which  have  made  the  present  President 
of  the  United  States  conspicuous  among  the  men  of  his  time  as  a  type  of 
noble  manhood.  (Applause.)  Come  what  may  here — come  what  may  in 
November.  God  grant  that  those  qualities  of  brave,  true  manhood  shall  have 
honor  throughout  America,  shall  be  held  for  an  example  in  every  home,  and 
that  the  youth  of  generations  to  come  may  grow  up  to  feel  that  it  is  better 


HON.   GRAEME   STEWART,  of    Illinois, 
Member  of  the   Executive   Committee. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          65 

than  wealth,  or  office,  or  power,  to  have  the  honesty,  the  purity,  and  the  cour- 
age of  Theodore  Roosevelt.     (Applause.) 

PRESENTATION  OF  GAVEL. 

Mr.  GRAEME  STEWART,  of  Illinois. — Mr.  Chairman,  at  the  request  of  the 
local  committee,  it  is  my  pleasure  to  present  to  you,  on  behalf  of  the  city 
of  Chicago,  this  symbol  of  authority,  which  I  hope  you  will  use  during 
the  sessions  of  this  convention. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  thanks  the  local  committee  for 
its  kindness. 

TEMPORARY  OFFICERS. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  By  direc- 
tion of  the  Republican  National  Committee,  the  Chair  submits  to  the  con- 
vention a  list  of  temporary  officers  proposed  by  the  committee,  which  the 
clerk  will  read. 

Mr.  JOHN  R.  MALLOY,  of  Ohio,  read  as  follows : 

General  Secretary,  Charles  W.  Johnson,  Minnesota. 

Chief  Assistant  Secretary,  John  R.  Malloy,  Ohio. 

Assistant  Secretaries :  James  G.  Cannon,  New  York ;  Thomas  F.  Clifford, 
New  Hampshire ;  Lucien  Grey,  Illinois ;  Willet  M.  Spooner,  Wisconsin ;  T. 
Larry  Eyre,  Pennsylvania ;  J.  T.  Wilson,  Kentucky ;  Rome  C.  Stephenson, 
Indiana ;  John  H.  King,  South  Dakota ;  T.  St.  John  Gaffney,  New  York ; 
Walter  S.  Melick,  California ;  Edgar  O.  Silver,  Vermont ;  Frank  D.  Water- 
man, New  York;  George  W.  Armstrong,  Minnesota;  James  H.  Paddock,  Illi- 
nois; Franklin  Murphy,  Jr.,  New  Jersey;  Edwin  W.  Sims,  Illinois. 

Reading  Clerks :  W.  H.  Harrison,  Nebraska ;  Dennis  E.  Alward,  Mich- 
igan ;  E.  L.  Lampson,  Ohio ;  T.  W.  B.  Duckwall,  West  Virginia. 

Clerk  at  President's  Desk,  Asher  C.  Hinds,  Maine. 

Official  Reporter,  Milton  W.  Blumenberg,  Illinois. 

Tally  Clerks:  Fred  B.  Whitney,  Illinois;  John  W.  Dixon,  Nebraska; 
Lucien  Swift,  Jr.,  Minnesota. 

Messenger  to  Secretary,  Henry  F.  Daniels,  Wisconsin. 

Messenger  to   Chairman,   Gurley   Brewer,   Indiana. 

Sergeant-at-Arms,   William   F.   Stone,   Maryland. 

First  Assistant   Sergeant-at-Arms,   David   C.   Owen,  Wisconsin. 

Chief  of  Doorkeepers,  Charles  S.  Montell,  Maryland. 

Mr.  CHARLES  DICK,  of  Ohio. — I  move  that  the  recommendations  of  the 
National  Committee  as  submitted,  be  approved  by  the  convention. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  motion 
of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  that  the  recommendations  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee as  submitted  be  approved  by  the  convention. 

The  motion  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 


66  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

RULES. 

Mr.  T.  H.  CARTER,  of  Montana. — In  the  interest  of  the  orderly  procedure 
of  business,  I  offer  the  resolution  which  I  send  to  the  desk. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Montana  submits  a 
resolution  which  will  be  read. 

The  resolution  was  read  and  agreed  to,  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  until  a  permanent  organization  is  affected  this  convention 
be  governed  by  the  rules  of  the  last  Republican  National  Convention. 

COMMITTEES. 

Mr.  L.  E.  McCoMAS,  of  Maryland. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  submit  for  present 
consideration  the  resolutions  which  I  send  to  the  desk. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Maryland  offers  a 
resolution  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  roll  of  States  and  Territories  be  now  called,  and  that  the 
chairman  of  each  delegation  announce  the  names  of  the  persons  selected  to 
serve  on  the  several  committees,  as  follows:  Permanent  Organization,  Rules 
and  Order  of  Business,  Credentials,  Resolutions;  And  further,  that  the  chair- 
man of  each  delegation  send  to  the  Secretary's  desk  in  writing  the  names  of 
the  persons  selected  from  his  delegation  to  serve  on  the  aforesaid  committees. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  resolu- 
tion submitted  by  the  gentleman  from  Maryland. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  before  direct- 
ing the  call  of  the  roll  the  Chair  wishes  the  instruction  of  the  convention 
upon  the  question  which  he  will  now  state.  The  National  Committee  has 
recommended  placing  upon  the  roll  and  has  placed  upon  the  temporary  roll 
the  names  of  delegates  from  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines.  (Applause.) 
The  Chair  does  not  feel  authorized  to  direct  the  calling  of  those  names 
upon  the  roll  without  the  instruction  of  the  convention.  Will  the  convention 
take  action  upon  the  question? 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — I  move  that  the  action  of  the  National 
Committee  in  making  the  direction  which  has  just  been  stated  by  the  Chair, 
be  approved  by  the  convention. 

Mr.  W.  B.  HEYBURN,  of  Idaho. — I  second  the  motion. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Foraker) 
moves,  and  that  motion  is  seconded  by  the  gentleman  from  Idaho  (Mr. 
Heyburn),  that  the  recommendation  of  the  National  Committee  be  ap- 
proved by  the  convention.  That  recommendation  means  that  two  delegates 
from  Porto  Rico  and  two  delegates  from  the  Philippine  Islands  shall  have 
seats  in  this  convention,  with  the  power  of  voting.  Are  you  ready  for  the 
question  ? 

Mr.  L.  E.  McCoMAS,  of  Maryland. — Pardon  me,  Mr.  Chairman ;  there  will 
be  six  delegates  from  the  Philippines,  with  two  votes. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          67 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  will  restate  the  proposition.  It 
means  two  delegates  from  Porto  Rico,  with  two  votes,  and  six  delegates 
from  the  Philippines,  with  two  votes.  Gentlemen,  are  you  ready  for  the 
question,  which  is  on  agreeing  to  the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio, 
that  the  recommendation  of  the  National  Committee  be  approved  by  this 
convention  ? 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  call  the  roll  in  accordance 
with  the  resolution  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Maryland  (Mr.  Mc- 
Comas). 

Mr.  OSCAR  R.  HUNDLEY,  of  Alabama. — I  should  like  to  ask  what  commit- 
tee is  being  called  for,  or  does  it  embrace  all  the  committees  named? 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  again  read,  for  the  informa- 
tion of  the  convention,  the  resolution  submitted  by  the  gentleman  from  Mary- 
land (Mr.  McComas). 

The  READING  CLERK  read  "as  follows : 

Besolred.  That  the  roll  of  States  and  Territories  be  now  called,  and  that  the 
chairman  of  each  delegation  announce  the  names  of  the  persons  selected  to 
serve  on  the  several  committees,  as  follows:  Permanent  Organization.  Rules 
and  Order  of  Business,  Credentials,  Resolutions;  And  further,  that  the  chairman 
of  each  delegation  send  to  the  Secretary's  desk  in  writing  the  names  of  the 
persons  selected  from  his  delegation  to  serve  on  the  aforesaid  committees. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The   roll-call  will  be  proceeded  with. 

The  CLERK  proceeded  to  call  the  roll. 

Mr.  JOSEPH  G.  CANNON,  of  Illinois. — I  ask  unanimous  consent  that  as  the 
States,  Territories,  etc.,  are  called,  the  Chairmen  of  the  respective  delega- 
tions send  the  list  to  the  desk  without  reading  them,  and  they  can  be  tab- 
ulated later. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Illinois  asks  unani- 
mous consent  that  as  the  States  are  called,  the  list  of  names  be  sent  by  the 
Chairmen  of  the  delegations  to  the  desk  without  reading.  Is  there  objection? 
The  Chair  hears  none,  and  that  course  will  be  pursued. 

The  committees  as  constituted  are  as  follows : 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

COMMITTEE  ON  PERMANENT  ORGANIZATION. 

Alabama G.  B.  DEANS 

Arkansas FERD   HAVIS 

California C.  E.  CLINCH 

Colorado S.   S.  DOWNER 

Connecticut MICHAEL   KENEALY 

Delaware FRANCIS   S.    BRADLEY 

Florida WILLIAM  H.    NORTHUP 

Georgia W.   H.    MATTHEWS 

Idaho DREW  M.   STANDROD 

Illinois WILLIAM  A.   COLEMAN 

Indiana FINLEY   C.    CARSON 

Iowa J.   H.   HENDERSON 

Kansas H.  B.   MILLER 

Kentucky BRUTUS   J.    CLAY 

Louisiana GIRRAULT    FARRAR 

Maine VORAMUS  L.   COFFIN 

Maryland WILLIAM  S.   BOOZE 

Massachusetts A.  H.  GOETTING 

Michigan C.    C.    VAUGHN 

Minnesota L.   O.  THORPE 

Mississippi THOMAS    RICHARDSON 

Missouri C.    W.    CLARKE 

Montana JAMES  W.  FREEMAN 

Nebraska W.   P.    MILES 

Nevada P.  L.  FLANIGAN 

New  Hampshire SUMNER  WALLACE 

New  Jersey WILLIAM  M.  JOHNSON 

New  York GEORGE  W.  ALDRIDGE 

North  Carolina T.  T.   HICKS 

North  Dakota HUGH  H.  PEOPLES 

Ohio THEODORE   E.    BURTON 

Oregon N.  C.  RICHARDS 

Pennsylvania JAMES  A.   DALE 

Rhode  Island FRANK  W.  TILLINGHAST 

South   Carolina A.  A.    GATES 

South  Dakota C.   E.   WARNER 

Tennessee L.   W.    DUTRO 

Texas C.    M.   FERGUSON 

Utah JAMES  H.   ANDERSON 

Vermont H.  W.  ALLEN 

Virginia J.  M.  MCLAUGHLIN 

Washington CHARLES   M.    SWEENY 

West  Virginia VIRGIL  L.  HIGHLAND 

Wisconsin J.   W.   COCHRAN 

Wyoming J.  G.   OLIVER 

District  of  Columbia JOHN  F.    COOK 

Alaska OSCAR    FOOTE 

Arizona F.  L.   WRIGHT 

Indian  Territory CHARLES  W.  RAYMOND 

New  Mexico W.   G.    SARGENT 

Oklahoma W.  C.  TETIRICK 

Hawaii GEORGE  R.  CARTER 

Philippine  Islands J.   S.  STANLEY 

Porto  Rico R.   H.   TODD 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          69 

COMMITTEE  ON  RULES  AND  ORDER  OF  BUSINESS. 

Alabama J.   W.   DAVIDSON 

Arkansas OSCAR  DAVIS 

California A.    RUEF 

Colorado E.    L.    SMITH 

Connecticut JOHN  T.  ROBINSON 

Delaware G.    LAYTON    GRIER 

Florida MARK   S.    WHITE 

Georgia S.   S.   HUMBERT 

Idaho JAMES  M.    STEVENS 

Illinois CHARLES  E.   PERKINS 

Indiana CAREY  E.    COWGILL 

Iowa W.    S.    ELLIS 

Kansas W.    S.   FITZPATRICK 

Kentucky JOHN   M.    BOWLING 

Louisiana M.  G.  BOBE 

Maine WOODBURY  K.   DANA 

Maryland RENO   S.  HARP 

Massachusetts JOHN   L.   HOBSON 

Michigan F.   A.  ROETHLISBERGER 

Minnesota GUSTA  F.  WVDELL 

Mississippi E.  H.  McKISSICK 

Missouri H.    A.    SMITH 

Montana W.  F.  MEYER 

Nebraska F.    I.   FOSS 

Nevada H.  B.  MAXON 

New  Hampshire WINSTON  CHURCHILL 

New  Jersey MARK   FAGAN 

New  York S.   FRED  NIXON 

North  Carolina J.  Y.  HAMRICK 

North  Dakota H.    M.   WHEELER 

Ohio H.    M.   DAUGHERTY 

Oregon IRA  B.   SMITH 

Pennsylvania H.  H.   BINGHAM 

Rhode  Island ALBERT  B.  CRAFTS 

South  Carolina J.  W.  TOLBERT 

South  Dakota F.    H.   DAVIS 

Tennessee H.    S.   CHAMBERLAIN 

Texas E.   H.   TERRELL 

Utah L.  W.   SHURTLIFF 

Vermont HENRY  S.   BINGHAM 

Virginia ASA   ROGERS 

Washington A.  W.  PERLEY 

West  Virginia GEO.    W.    ATKINSON 

Wisconsin J.  W.  BABCOCK 

Wyoming J.  E.  COSGRIFF 

District   of  Columbia ROBERT  REYBURN 

Alaska J.    G.    HEED 

Arizona E.   W.   CHILDS 

Indian  Territory VICTOR  M.  LOCKE,  JR. 

New  Mexico W.  E.  DAME 

Oklahoma A.   H.    JACKSON 

Hawaii WM.   T.   ROBINSON 

Philippine  Islands CHARLES  A.  WILLARD 

Porto  Rico. . .  


70  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

COMMITTEE   ON   CREDENTIALS. 

Alabama N.  H.   ALEXANDER 

Arkansas SID  B.  REDDING 

California GEO.   W.  REED 

Colorado JOHN   W.   SPRINGER 

Connecticut GEORGE  L.  CHENEY 

Delaware J.  FRANK  ALLEE 

Florida HENRY    S.    CHUBB 

Georgia CHAS.    ADAMSON 

Idaho WILLIAM  E.  BORAH 

Illinois GRAEME   STEWART 

Indiana WINF1ELD  J.  DURBIN 

Iowa J.  P.  DOLLIVER 

Kansas S.  H.  HAMILTON 

Kentucky JOHN  W.  LEWIS 

Louisiana WALTER  L.   COHEN 

Maine SANFORD   L.   FOGG 

Maryland LOUIS  E.  McCOMAS 

Massachusetts EVERETT  C.  BENTON 

Michigan ANDREW  B.  DAUGHERTY 

Minnesota C.  H.   MARCH 

Mississippi WESLEY    CRAYTON 

Missouri B.    F.    RUSSEL 

Montana JOSEPH  M.  DIXON 

Nebraska C.  B.  DEMPSTER 

Nevada B.  H.  REYMERS 

New  Hampshire DANIEL  C.  REMICK 

New  Jersey JOHN  J.  GARDNER 

New   York GEORGE  R.    MALBY 

North  Carolina W.  S.  O.  B.  ROBINSON 

North  Dakota ALEXANDER  McKENZIE 

Ohio CHARLES  B.  DICK 

Oregon J.  M.  KEENE 

Pennsylvania A.  S.  L.  SHIELDS 

Rhode  Island ALPHONSE  GAULIN 

South  Carolina J.  F.   ENSOR 

South  Dakota R.  H.  DRISCOLL 

Tennessee F.  A.  RAHT 

Texas R.   B.  HAWLEYv 

Utah WILLARD  F.    SNYDER 

Vermont W.   SEWARD  WEBB 

Virginia PARK   AGNEW 

Washington C.   E.   BINGHAM 

West  Virginia W.  L.  ARMSTRONG 

Wisconsin S.  S.  BARNEY 

Wyoming M.  C.  NICHOLS 

District  of  Columbia JNO.  F.  COOK 

Alaska C.  S.  JOHNSON 

Arizona A.   O.   BRODIE 

Indian  Territory EUGENE  E.  MORRIS 

New  Mexico W.  H.  H.  LLEWELLYN 

Oklahoma SEYMOUR  FOOSE 

Hawaii W.  H.  HOOGS 

Philippine  Islands THEO.  C.  REISER 

Porto  Rico JOSE  GORNEZ  BRIOSO 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          71 

COMMITTEE   ON   RESOLUTIONS. 

Alabama A.  N.  JOHNSON 

Arkansas CHAS.   T.   DUKE 

California FRANK   H.    SHORT 

Colorado CLYDE  C.   DAWSON 

Connecticut EDWIN  W.   HIGGINS 

Delaware CALEB   R.    LAYTON 

Florida 

Georgia H.   L.  JOHNSON 

Idaho WELDON  B.   HEYBURN 

Illinois ALBERT   J.   HOPKINS 

Indiana ALBERT  J.  BEVERIDGE 

Iowa J.  W.  BLYTHE 

Kansas 

Kentucky GEORGE  W.   LONG 

Louisiana J.   MADISON  VANCE 

Maine ELMER   P.   SPOFFORD 

Maryland PHILLIPS  L.   GOLDSBOROUGH 

Massachusetts HENRY  CABOT  LODGE 

Michigan RALPH    LOVELAND 

Minnesota KNUTE  NELSON 

Mississippi W.   E.   MOLLISON 

Missouri BOYD    DUDLEY 

Montana THOS.  H.   CARTER 

Nebraska FRANK    WILLIAMS 

Nevada E.   S.   FARINGTON 

New  Hampshire JACOB  H.  GALLINGER 

New  Jersey JOHN  F.  DRYDEN 

New  York EDWARD  LAUTERBACH 

North  Carolina 

North  Dakota H.   C.  HANSBROUGH 

Ohio J.  B.   FORAKER 

Oregon J.  U.  CAMPBELL, 

Pennsylvania JOHN   DALZELL 

Rhode  Island WILLIAM  L.  HODGMAN 

South  Carolina E.  J.  DICKERSON 

South  Dakota N.  L.  FINCH 

Tennessee DANA    HARMON 

Texas A.    J.    ROSENTHAL 

Utah GEO.    SUTHERLAND 

Vermont W.   P.   DILLINGHAM 

Virginia D.  LAWRENCE  GRONER 

Washington J.  S.   McMILLAN 

West  Virginia 

Wisconsin JOHN  C.  SPOONER 

Wyoming C.  D.  CLARK 

District  of  Columbia ROBERT  REYBURN 

Alaska J.   W.   IVEY 

Arizona 

Indian  Territory WILLIAM  H.  BARROUGH 

New  Mexico H.  O.   BURSON 

Oklahoma 

Hawaii JONAH  K.   KALANIANAOLI 

Philippine  Islands JOHN  M.    SWITZER 

Porto  Rico 


72  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

PETITIONS  AND  RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr.  CHARLES  W.  THOMAS,  of  Illinois.— I  present  a  resolution  which  I 
ask  to  have  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  without  debate. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN.— The  resolution  will  be  received  and  referred 
as  indicated. 

Mr.  WILLIAM  E.  MASON,  of  Illinois. — I  have  been  requested  to  present  a 
petition,  which  I  do,  and  I  ask  that  it  be  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Reso- 
lutions. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  resolution  will  be  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions. 

Mr.  ROBERT  REYBURN,  of  the  District  of  Columbia. — I  submit  a  resolution, 
which  I  ask  may  follow  the  course  of  the  resolutions  heretofore  presented — 
that  it  may  be  referred  without  debate. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  resolution  presented  by  the  gentleman 
from  the  District  of  Columbia  will  be  received  and  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions. 

LOUISIANA   PURCHASE  EXPOSITION. 

Mr.  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW,  of  New  York. — The  Louisiana  Purchase  Ex- 
position has  sent  an  invitation  to  visit  the  exposition,  and  I  call  for  its  read- 
ing. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  read  as  requested. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

To  the  Republican  National  Convention, 

Gentlemen:— The  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition  respectfully  invites  the  dele- 
gates and  alternates  to  the  Republican  National  Convention  now  assembled, 
and  the  representatives  of  the  Press  attending,  to  visit  the  World's  Fair,  now 
in  progress  in  St.  Louis,  when  the  deliberations  of  the  convention  shall  have 
ended.  Transportation  and  admission  to  the  World's  Fair  Grounds  will  be 
provided. 

The  participation  of  the  States  and  Territories  and  possessions  of  the  United 
States,  and  of  over  fifty  foreign  countries,  contribute  to  make  this  Exposition 
thoroughly  representative  of  the  progress  of  civilization  and  the  development 
of  the  human  race. 

The  exhibit  of  the  United  States  and  that  of  the  Philippine  Islands  are,  of 
themselves,  well  worth  the  visit.  The  aid  extended  by  the  general  govern- 
ment, through  two  Congresses,  and  the  interest  manifested  in  the  enterprise 
by  President  McKinley  and  President  Roosevelt,  establish  its  National  char- 
acter. It  is  held  to  commemorate  the  Louisiana  Purchase,  the  acquisition  of  an 
Empire  by  peaceful  negotiations,  and  to  enlighten  the  people  in  the  progress 
and  advancement  of  the  world. 

Very  respectfully, 

DAVID  R.   FRANCIS. 
President  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition. 

Mr.  DEPEW,  of  New  York. — I  offer  the  resolution  I  send  to  the  desk. 
The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  New  York  submits  a 
resolution  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          73 

Resolved.  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  be  extended  to  the  Louisiana 
Purchase  Exposition  Company  for  their  invitation;  and  that  the  Chair  appoint 
a  committee  of  five  to  ascertain  and  report  at  the  next  session  of  the  Conven- 
tion arrangements  for  going  to  St.  Louis  and  return. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN". — Gentlemen,  you  have  heard  the  resolution. 
Are  there  any  remarks  to  be  made  upon  it? 

Mr.  DEPEW. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  think  any  remarks  are  necessary. 
The  invitation  itself  is  eloquent.  Nor  do  I  think  any  remarks  are  in  order 
at  the  present  time,  when  we  are  still  under  the  spell  of  one  of  the  few 
great  orations  that  we  are  permitted  to  listen  to  in  a  life  time. 

Still,  as  the  United  States  has  invested  twenty-five  million  dollars  in  this 
exposition,  has  invited  all  the  other  countries  of  the  world,  and  they  have 
come,  I  think  the  convention  should  accept  the  invitation.  It  is  certainly  a 
graceful  as  well  as  a  gracious  privilege  which  is  extended  to  us  by  the  Ex- 
position Company. 

I  know  that  the  educational,  the  religious,  the  agricultural,  the  manufac- 
turing, and  the  scientific  interests  are  all  going  to  St.  Louis  to  see  what  has 
been  accomplished  up  to  the  present  time  in  their  several  departments ;  and 
we  can  go  there  and  see  what  has  been  done  in  the  development  of  the 
United  States  during  this  period  and  what  share  Republican  policies  had  in 
bringing  it  about.  (Applause.) 

I  am  quite  sure  a  similar  invitation  will  be  extended  to  the  Democratic 
convention  when  it  meets  next  month.  Its  members  will  accept,  because 
they  will  be  in  St.  Louis  anyway,  and  they  will  go  there  having  the  only 
gratification  they  have  had  for  half  a  century,  in  saying  "through  Thomas 
Jefferson  we  bought  the  land."  (Laughter.)  But  it  will  be  our  privilege 
to  say  "we  cultivated  the  soil ;  we  ploughed  it ;  we  planted  the  seed ;  and 
the  harvest  which  makes  the  United  States  what  it  is  today  is  ours  as  well 
as  yours."  (Applause.) 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  resolu- 
tion submitted  by  the  gentleman  from  New  York. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN  appointed  as  the  committee  under  the  resolu- 
tion Mr.  Depew,  of  New  York;  Mr.  Carter,  of  Montana;  Mr.  Foraker,  of 
Ohio;  Mr.  Van  Sant,  of  Minnesota,  and  Mr.  Parker,  of  Missouri. 

Mr.  RICHARD  P.  ERNST,  of  Kentucky. — I  move  that  the  convention  adjourn 
until  12  o'clock  tomorrow. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to,  and  (at  2  o'clock  and  10  minutes  p.  m.)  the 
convention  adjourned  until  tomorrow,  Wednesday,  June  22,  1904,  at  12 
o'clock  meridian. 


THE  SECOND  DAY 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS— THE  WISCONSIN 
CASE— OTHER  CONTESTED  CASES— THE  ROLL  OF  THE  CON- 
VENTION —  LOUISIANA  PURCHASE  EXPOSITION  —  PETER 
JOSEPH  OSTERHAUS— REPORTS  OF  COMMITTEES  ON  PER- 
MANENT ORGANIZATION  AND  OTHER  COMMITTEES— HA- 
WAIIAN REPRESENTATION. 


CONVENTION  HALL 

THE  COLISEUM,  CHICAGO,  ILL.,  Wednesday,  June  22,  1904. 

The  convention  was  called  to  order  at  12:25  o'clock  p.  m.,  by  Hon.  Elihu 
Root,  Temporary  Chairman,  who  said: 

The  proceedings  of  this  day  will  be  begun  by  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Thomas 
E.  Cox,  of  Chicago,  111. 

PRAYER  OF  REV.  THOMAS  E.  COX. 

Rev.  THOMAS  E.  Cox,  of  Chicago,  offered  the  following  prayer : 
Our  Father  Who  art  in  Heaven,  we  thank  Thee  for  the  opportunities  of 
this  day.  In  all  humility  we  adore  Thy  sovereign  majesty.  To  Thee  we 
look  for  grace  and  guidance.  In  Thy  hands  are  the  destinies  of  nations. 
Thy  Providence  enters  into  the  careers  of  men.  There  is  no  just  power  but 
from  Thee.  Thy  will  is  the  sole  source  of  law  and  good  government. 

Bless  the  deliberations  of  this  Convention.  Let  us  not  forget  those  who 
have  bequeathed  to  us  a  glorious  history.  Give  us  wisdom  and  understand- 
ing. Drive  far  from  us  all  self-seeking.  Fill  us  with  a  love  of  country,  of 
peace,  of  forbearance  and  of  justice.  For  "Justice  exalteth  a  nation,  but 
when  the  wicked  bear  rule  peoples  perish."  Hasten  the  day  when  it  shall 
be  said :  "The  kingdom  of  this  world  is  become  our  Lord's  and  His  Christ's, 
and  He  shall  reign  for  ever  and  ever."  Amen. 


HON.    LOUIS    E.    McCOMAS,   of    Maryland, 
Who    was    Chairman    of    the    Committee    on    Credentials. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          75 

THE  CONTESTED  CASES. 

[Pursuant  to  the  usual  practice,  the  National  Committee,  prior  to  the  day 
of  meeting  of  the  convention  considered  all  questions  of  contest  submitted 
within  the  rule  embodied  in  the  call,  and  made  up  the  Temporary  Roll  of 
delegates  to  the  convention. 

A  formal  report  of  the  proceedings  and  findings  of  the  National  Committee 
respecting  contests  was  submitted  to  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  appointed  a  subcommittee  consisting:  of 
Winfield  T.  Durbin,  J.  J.  Gardner  and  E.  C.  Benton,  to  examine  and  report 
on  the  Wisconsin  case. 

The  report  of  this  subcommittee  was  duly  made,  and  embodied  in  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  and  subsequently  reported  with  other  recom- 
mendations to  the  convention,  and  adopted  by  the  convention.  These  several 
reports  as  made,  appear  in  their  proper  order  below. — Ed.] 


REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Is  the  Committee  on  Credentials  ready  to 
report  ? 

Mr.  L.  E.  McCoMAS,  of  Maryland. — The  Committee  on  Credentials  have 
instructed  me  to  submit  their  report: 

June  22,  1904. 

Your  Committee  on  Credentials  submit  the  following  report  in  the  matter 
of  the  seating  of  the  contested  delegations : 

They  met  immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  session  of  the  Conven- 
tion on  Tuesday,  June  21,  1904,  and  organized  by  the  selection  of  the  officers 
of  the  committee.  Since  that  time  they  have,  day  and  night,  almost  continu- 
ously considered  the  cases  before  them  until  they  completed  the  roll  of  mem- 
bership. In  the  contests  in  the  Fourth  District  of  Alabama,  respecting  the 
delegates  and  their  alternates,  in  the  contest  respecting  all  the  delegates  and 
alternates  from  the  State  of  Delaware,  in  the  Second  District  of  Georgia, 
the  Third  District  of  Mississippi,  the  First  District  of  South  Carolina,  the 
Thirty-third  District  of  New  York,  the  Second  District  of  Virginia,  the 
delegates-at-large  and  their  alternates  from  Texas,  the  Second  and  Seventh 
Districts  of  Texas,  in  the  Twenty-first  District  of  Illinois,  the  Fourth,  Sixth 
and  Twentieth  Districts  in  Ohio,  this  committee  recommend  that  the  action 
of  the  National  Committee  in  making  a  temporary  roll  shall  be  the  action  of 
the  Convention. 

In  the  matter  respecting  the  delegates-at-large  and  delegates  from  all  of 
the  seven  Congressional  districts  of  Louisiana,  your  committee  recommend 


76  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

that  the  delegates-at-large  of  the  contestants  and  the  contestees  with  their 
alternates  be  admitted  to  seats  in  the  convention,  and  that  in  each  of  the  seven 
districts  of  Louisiana,  the  delegates  of  the  contestants  and  contestees  with 
their  respective  alternates  be  also  admitted  to  seats  in  the  convention,  and 
that  each  delegate  when  seated  shall  have  one-half  of  a  vote.  And  your 
committee,  therefore,  recommend  that  the  aforementioned  delegates  from 
Louisiana  with  their  alternates  be  placed  on  the  permanent  roll  of  the  con- 
vention. 

In  the  Fifth  District  of  Missouri  your  committee  recommend  that  the 
delegates,  Joseph  H.  Harris  and  Wallace  Love,  and  the  alternates,  Joseph  P. 
Fontron  and  W.  H.  Waggoner,  be  placed  on  the  permanent  roll. 

In  the  case  of  the  contest  for  delegates-at-large  from  the  State  of  Wis- 
consin your  committee  unanimously  concur  with  the  National  Committee  in 
its  unanimous  action  and  recommend  that  the  sitting  delegates,  John  C. 
Spooner,  J.  V.  Quarles,  Joseph  W.  Babcock  and  Emil  Baensch,  with  their 
alternates,  be  placed  on  the  permanent  roll  of  this  convention. 

Your  committee  consider  it  unnecessary  to  recite  the  reasons  for  the  de- 
cisions in  the  several  cases  before  mentioned.  In  the  Wisconsin  case,  how- 
ever, your  committee  believe  some  additional  statement  is  appropriate.  To 
the  contest  over  the  delegates-at-large  and  their  alternates  from  Wisconsin, 
unusual  consideration  has  been  given. 

The  said  contest  was  patiently  heard  by  the  National  Committee  for  six 
hours,  being  argued  on  behalf  of  both  sides  by  counsel  before  said  commit- 
tee. The  books  and  printed  arguments  being  supplied  by  both  sides  to  the 
individual  members  of  that  committee,  and  at  the  end  of  such  presentation 
that  committee  being  fully  advised  as  to  the  material  facts  and  the  merits 
of  the  controversy,  unanimously  voted  to  place  on  the  temporary  roll  as 
delegates-at-large  John  C.  Spooner,  J.  V.  Quarles,  Joseph  W.  Babcock  and 
Emil  Baensch,  and  M.  G  Jeffris,  D.  E.  Riordan,  Richard  Meyer  and  John 
Kehler,  alternates. 

Your  committee  after  completing  its  organization  took  a  recess  until  4 
o'clock  and  gave  notice  to  the  various  contestants  to  appear  at  that  hour. 
Soon  thereafter  your  committee  decided  to  take  up  the  Wisconsin  contest 
over  the  delegates-at-large  from  that  State.  Thereupon  Mr.  Gilbert  E.  Roe, 
who  had  submitted  to  the  National  Committee  an  elaborate  argument  on 
behalf  of  Isaac  Stephenson,  Robert  M.  La  Follette,  J.  H.  Stout  and  W.  D. 
Connor  and  their  alternates,  appeared  before  your  committee  and  submitted 
a  communication  from  the  contesting  delegation,  represented  in  part  by  him. 
This  communication  is  appended  to  the  report  of  your  committee.  Your 
committee,  resenting  the  false  imputation  which  said  communication  placed 
upon  the  entire  National  Committee  and  upon  your  committee  by  its  im- 
peachment of  the  good  faith  of  said  committees,  and  upon  the  National  Con- 
vention of  the  Republican  party  by  its  assumption  that  said  contesting  dele- 
gation could  not  secure  a  fair  and  impartial  hearing  and  a  determination 
according  to  the  truth  and  right  of  the  case  from  your  committee  or  by 
appeal  to  this  convention,  proceeded,  notwithstanding  the  withdrawal  of  said 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          77 

contest  by  said  communication  upon  the  grounds  therein  stated,  in  justice 
to  itself  after  notice  to  both  sides  .to  appear,  to  investigate  thoroughly  the 
facts  of  said  case.  By  its  sub-committee  during  yesterday,  last  night  and 
today,  and  by  the  full  committee  yesterday  and  today,  it  investigated  the 
facts  of  said  case  as  disclosed  by  the  proofs,  documents  and  briefs  of  both 
sides,  availing  itself  of  the  proofs,  documents  and  briefs  presented  by  both 
sides  before  the  National  Committee,  and  heard  also  oral  arguments  by  the 
counsel  of  the  contestees,  to  the  end  that  the  facts  might  be  fully  ascertained 
and  a  just  decision  reached  in  said  case;  and,  having  fully  considered  the 
same,  your  committee  report  it  to  be  their  final  judgment  that  the  convention 
which  elected  said  John  C.  Spooner,  J.  V.  Quarles,  Joseph  W.  Babcock  and 
Emil  Baensch  as  delegates  at  large  and  their  alternates  to  this  convention 
from  the  State  of  Wisconsin,  was  the  regular  convention  of  the  Republican 
party  in  Wisconsin,  and  that  the  delegates  elected  by  it  are  the  regularly 
elected  delegates  at  large  from  the  State  of  Wisconsin  to  the  Republican 
National  Convention,  and  as  such  are  entitled  to  seats  in  this  convention. 
The  report  of  the  sub-committee,  which  was  unanimously  approved  by  your 
committee,  is  appended  to  and  made  part  of  this  report. 

A  copy  of  the  roll  of  delegates  and  alternates  adopted  by  your  committee 
making  the  permanent  roll  of  this  convention,  is  herewith  submitted  as  part 
of  their  report,  and  the  adoption  of  the  report  is  recommended. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

L,  E.  McCOMAS,  Chairman. 
SID  B.  REDDING,  Secretary. 

CONTESTS  AS  DECIDED  BY  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS. 

ALABAMA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

FOURTH    DISTRICT. 

W.  F.  Aldrich.  W.   F.  Tebbetts. 

V,'.  A.  Cook.  F.  O.  Dudley. 

DELAWARE. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

J.  Edward  Addicks.  John  E.  Taylor. 

J.  Frank  Alice.  George   W.    Marshall. 

John  Hunn.  Walter  Hoffecker. 

Caleb  R.  Layton.  Joseph  E.  Cahall. 

Francis  S.   Bradley.  Abrarn  E.   Frantz. 

G.    Layton    Grier.  John  C.  Townsend. 

GEORGIA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

SECOND    DISTRICT. 

J.  C.  Styles.  J.   L.   Reddlck. 

C.  G.  Ward.  E.   B.   Brown. 


78 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 


ILLINOIS. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

TWENTY-FIRST   DISTRICT. 

Theodore  Koch.  John  R.  Challacombe. 

H.   N.    Schuyler.  Charles  E.  Selby. 


LOUISIANA. 

(Each  delegate  given  a  half  vote.) 
Delegates.  Alternates. 


Walter   L.    Cohen. 
Emile    Kuntz. 
Girrault  Farrar. 
H.   B.  N.  Brown. 
Pearl  Wight. 
H.  C.  Warmouth. 
W.  J.  Behan. 
L.   F.   Suthon. 


Joseph  Fabacher. 
J.   Madison  Vance. 
Hugh  S.   Suthon. 
Felix  Berhel. 


H.  W.  Robinson. 
M.   G.  Bobe. 
Charles  W.  Godchaux. 
W.  J.   Waguespack. 


J.  M.  Haggerty. 
A.  J.  Jones 
F.    B.    Williams. 
Jules  Godchaux. 


A.  H.    Leonard. 
S.   P.   Brown. 

B.  F.  Oneal. 

C.  J.  Green. 


J.  W.  Cook. 
S.  W.  Green. 
W.  T.  Insley. 
H.  B.  Taliaferro. 


L.  J.  Souer. 
B.  V.  Baranco. 
H.  W_  Robinson. 
F.  J.  Webb 


AT  LARGE. 

James  E.  Porter. 
P.  H.  Segura. 

D.  A.    Lines. 
John  Marks. 
J.   W.   Porch. 
S.  A.  Knapp. 
Andrew  Hero. 
Gus  Lehmann. 

FIRST    DISTRICT. 

C.  W.  Boothby. 
I.  G.  Wynn. 
A.    B.    Kennedy. 
F.  R.  Tenneret. 

SECOND    DISTRICT. 

A.  C.  Fowler. 

E.  F.  R.  Augustus. 
E.  J.  Thilborger. 
W.  P.  Luck. 

THIRD     DISTRICT. 

Mayer  Cahen. 
John  Tregle. 
Jules  Dreyfus. 
Honore   Dugas. 

FOURTH    DISTRICT. 

J.  W.  Walker. 
J.  B.  Green. 
S.  Herold. 
,W.  J.   Tatum. 

FIFTH    DISTRICT. 

George  W.   Stewart. 
John  W.  Robinson. 
Henry  E.  Hardtner. 
Leopold  Elgutter. 

SIXTH   DISTRICT. 

George  J.  Duffy. 
John  Brown. 
George  J.  Reiley. 
J.  B.  Churchill. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          79 

LOUISIANA—  Contin  ned. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

SEVENTH    DISTRICT. 

C.  C.   Duson.  J.  S.  Thomas. 
J.  A.  Spencer.  Henry   Erlich. 
G.  L.  Lasalle.  Joseph  A.  Block. 
W.  R.  Wright.  H.  Dupuy. 

MISSISSIPPI. 

(Each  delegate  given  a  half  vote.) 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

THIRD   DISTRICT. 

R.   A.    Simmons.  L.  T.  Marcus. 

Charles  Banks.  R.   L.   Flagg. 

Louis  Waldauer.  N.  L.  Lackey. 

D.  W.   Gary.  G.    A.    Lee. 

MISSOURI. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

FIFTH    DISTRICT. 

Joseph  H.  Harris.  Joseph  P.  Fontron. 

Wallace  Love..  W.  H.  Waggoner. 

NEW    YORK. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

THIRTY-THIRD   DISTRICT. 

J.  Sloat  Fassett  William  H.   Prangen. 

Arthur  E.  Valois.  William  H.  Nichols.. 

OHIO. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

FOURTH    DISTRICT. 

O.   E.  Harrison.  David  Oldham. 

W.  L.  Russell.  Julius  Boesel. 

SIXTH    DISTRICT. 

George  W.  McMurchy.  H.  M.  Brown. 

Frank  M.  Couden.  Walter  Remley. 

TWENTIETH  DISTRICT. 

J.  B.  Zerbe.  D.  C.  True. 

A.  T.  Spitzer.  George  Steele. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

FIRST    DISTRICT. 

A.  P.  Prioleau.  Samuel  B.  Butler. 

William  F.  Myers.  A.  Collins. 


80  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

TEXAS. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Cecil    A.    Lyon.  R.   A.  Hannay. 

R.   B.  Hawley.  Thomas  Hall. 

C.  M.  Ferguson.  H.   G.   Goree. 

N.  M.  Rodgers.  David  Abner. 

SECOND    DISTRICT. 

J.  H.   Kurth.  Fred  Deremus. 

B.  F.  Wallace.  J.  M.  Moore. 

SEVENTH    DISTRIQT. 

A.  J.  Rosenthal.  C.  W.  Ellis. 

H.  L.  Price.  Waldo  Mathews. 


VIRGINIA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

SECOND    DISTRICT. 

George  E.  Bowden.  A.  Aronheim. 

A.  H.  Martin.  Fred  Read. 


WISCONSIN. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

John  C.  Spooner.  M.  G.  Jeffris. 

J.  V.  Quarles.  D.  E.  Riordan. 

Joseph  W.  Babcock.  Richard  Meyer. 

Emil  Baensch.  John  Kehler. 


ALASKA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

John  G.  Held.  G.  M.  Irwin. 

Oscar   Foote.  John  W.  Steadman. 

C.  S.  Jackson.  Albert  Fink. 

W.  T.  Perkins.  G.  B.  Baldwin. 

W.  D.  Grant.  P.  C.  McCormick. 

J.  W.  Ivey.  Frank  J.  Kinghorn. 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

John  T.  McDonough.  John  S.  Leech. 

Charles  A.  Willard.  D.  W.   Smith. 

Grant  T.  Trent.  J.  L.   Pierce. 

John   S.    Stanley.  T.  C.  Reiser. 

J.  M.  Swltzer.  W.  W.  Lewis. 

E.  C.  McCullough.  M.  W.  Creach. 


HON.    NATHAN    B.   SCOTT,   of   West   Virginia, 
Who  was  Chairman  of  the   Executive  Committee  for  the   Convention. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION. 


81 


REPORT  ON  CONTESTS  BEFORE  THE  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL 

COMMITTEE. 

Chicago,  Illinois,  June  17,  1904. 
Chairman,  Committee  on  Credentials, 

Republican  National  Convention,   Chicago,   Illinois. 

My  Dear  Sir: — In  the  matter  of  the  contest  for  seats  in  the  Republican  Na- 
tional Convention,  the  National  Committee,  at  its  meeting  in  Chicago,  Juno 
16th  and  17th,  decided  to  place  upon  the  temporary  roll  the  following: 


Delegates. 
J.   Edward   Addicks. 
J.    Frank   Allee. 
John  Hunn. 
Caleb  R.  Layton. 
Francis  S.  Bradley. 
G.  Layton  Grier. 


Delegates. 


W.    F.    Aldrich. 
W.  A.  Cook. 


Delegates. 


J.  C.   Styles. 
C.  G.  Ward. 

Delegates. 
Walter  L.  Cohen. 
Emil  Kuntz. 
Girrault  Farrar. 
H.   B.  N.  Brown. 

Joseph   Fabacher. 
J.   Madison  Vance. 

H.  W.  Robinson. 
M.  G.   Bobe. 

J.  H.  Haggerty. 
A.  G.  Jones. 


A.   H.   Leonard. 
S.   P.  Brown. 


John  W.  Cook. 
S.  W.  Green. 


L.  J.  Souer. 

B.    V.    Baranco. 


C.  C.  Duson. 
S.  A.  Spencer. 


DELAWARE. 

Alternates. 
John  E.  Taylor. 
Geo.  W.  Marshall. 
Walter  Hoffecker. 
Joseph   E.   Cahall. 
Abram  E.   Frantz. 
John  G.  Townsend. 

ALABAMA. 

Alternates. 

FOURTH    DISTRICT. 

W.  F.  Tebbetts. 
F.   O.  Dudley. 

GEORGIA. 

Alternates. 

SECOND    DISTRICT. 

J.  L.  Reddick. 
E.  B.  Brown. 

LOUISIANA. 

AT  LARGE.  Alternates. 

James  E.  Porter. 
P.  E.  Segura. 

D.  A.   Lines. 
John  Marks. 

FIRST    DISTRICT. 

C.  W.  Boothby. 

I.    G.    Wynn. 
SECOND    DISTRICT. 

A.  C.  Fowler. 

E.  F.  R.  Augustus. 
THIRD  DISTRICT. 

John  Stregle. 
Mayer  Chane. 
FOURTH    DISTRICT. 

W.  J.  Walker. 
J.   B.  Green. 

FIFTH   DISTRICT. 

George  W.  Stewart. 
John  W.  Robinson. 

SIXTH  DISTRICT. 

Geo.  Duffey. 
John   Brown. 

SEVENTH    DISTRICT. 

H.   C.   Edwards. 
Henry   Erlick. 


82 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


MISSISSIPPI. 
Delegates.  A  Iterna  tes. 

THIRD    DISTRICT. 

R.  A.   Simmons.  L.   T.    Marcus. 

Chas.  Banks.  R.  L.  Flagg. 

Louis  Waldauer.  N.  L.  Lackey. 

D.  W.  Gary.  G.  A.  Lee. 

(Each  delegate  given  a  half  vote.) 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

FIRST    DISTRICT. 

A.    P.   Prioleau.  Samuel  B.  Butler. 

Wm.   F.   Myers.  A.  Collins. 


Delegates. 


J.  Sloat  Fassett. 
Arthur  E.  Valois. 


NEW    YORK. 

Alternates. 

TWENTY-THIRD    DISTRICT. 

Wm.  H.  Prangen. 
Wm.  H.  Nichols. 


Delegates. 


George  E.  Bowden. 
A.  H.  Martin. 


Delegates. 


John  C.  Spooner. 
J.  V.  Quarles. 
Joseph  W.  Babcock. 
Emil  Baensch. 


Delegates. 


Cecil  A.   Lyon. 
R.  B.  Hawley. 
C.  M.  Ferguson. 
N.  M.  Rodgers. 

J.  H.  Kurth. 
B.  F.  Wallace. 

A.  J.  Rosenthal. 
H.  L.  Price. 


Delegates. 


VIRGINIA. 


Alternates. 


Theodore  Koch. 
H.  N.  Schuyler. 


SECOND    DISTRICT. 

A.  Aronheim. 
Fred.  Read. 

WISCONSIN. 

Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

M.   G.   Jeffris. 
D.  E.  Riordan. 
Richard   Meyer. 
John   Kehler. 

TEXAS. 

Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

R.  A.  Hannay. 
Thomas  Hall. 
H.   G.  Goree. 
David  Abner. 
SECOND    DISTRICT. 

Fred  Deremus. 
J.  M.  Moore. 
SEVENTH    DISTRICT. 

C.    W.    Ellis. 
Waldo  Mathews. 

ILLINOIS. 

Alternates. 

TWENTY-FIRST  DISTRICT. 

John  R.  Challacombe. 
Chas.  E.   Selby. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          83 

MISSOURI. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

FIFTH    DISTRICT. 

Jos.   H.   Harris.  Jos.  P.  Fontron. 

Wallace  Love.  W.  H.  Waggoner. 

A.  C.  Kinneard.  Geo.    J.   Baer. 

J.  A.   McLane.  Jos.  Reed. 

(Each  delegate  given  a  half  vote.) 

OHIO. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

FOURTH    DISTRICT. 

O.   E.   Harrison.  David  Oldham. 

W.  L.  Russell.  Julius   Boesel.  , 

SIXTH  DISTRICT. 

Geo.  W.   McMurchy.  H.  M.  Brown. 

Frank  M.  Couden.  Walter  Remley. 

TWENTIETH  DISTRICT. 

J.  N.  Zerbe.  D.  C.  True. 

A.  T.  Spitzer.  Geo.  Steele. 

Very  truly  yours, 

H.  C.  PAYNE, 

Chairman  Republican  National  Committee. 
ELMER  DOVER, 

Secretary  Republican  National  Committee. 


REPORT  OF  THE  SUB-COMMITTEE   OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  CRE- 
DENTIALS ON  THE  WISCONSIN  CASE. 

To  the  Committee  on  Credentials: 

Your  sub-committee  to  whom  was  referred  the  Wisconsin  case  respectfully 
report  that  after  listening  to  statements  made  by  counsel  for  John  C.  Spooner, 
Joseph  V.  Quarles,  Joseph  W.  Babcock  and  Emil  Baensch  before  the  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials,  reviewing  the  printed  arguments  made  by  counsel  for 
Isaac  Stephenson,  Robert  M.  LaFollette,  James  H.  stout  and  W.  D.  Connor  and 
the  other  papers  filed  in  the  case,  find  John  C.  Spooner,  Joseph  V.  Quarles, 
Joseph  W.  Babcock  and  Emil  Baensch  were  the  regularly  elected  delegates  at 
large  for  the  State  of  Wisconsin  and  are  entitled  to  seats  in  the  Convention 
as  such. 

WINFIELD  T.  DURBIN, 
J.  J.  GARDNER, 
E.  C.  BENTON. 


Mr.  L,  E.  McCoMAs,  of  Maryland. — I  move  the  adoption  of  the  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  motion  of 
the  gentleman  from  Maryland  that  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Creden- 
tials be  adopted. 

The  report  was  agreed  to. 


84 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


Roll  of  Delegates  and  Alternates. 


The  roll  of  delegates  and  alternates  referred  to  in  the  report  is  as  fol- 
lows: 

ALABAMA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Oscar  R.  Hundley Huntsville       F.   H.   Lathrop Birmingham 

Leander  J.  Bryan Montgomery       Rivers  Carter  Birmingham 

T.   H.   Aldrich Birmingham       Henry  F.   Irwin Montgomery 

A.  N.  Johnson Mobile        S.  S.  H.  Washington Montgomery 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — James  T.  Peterson Mobile 

G.  B.  Deans Mobile 

2 — Chas.  H.  Scott Montgomery 

Nathan  H.  Alexander.  .Montgomery 
3 — S.    M.    Murphy Eufaula 

M.  W.  Garden  (Alt.) Opelika 

4_W.    F.    Aldrich Aldrich 

W.  A.  Cook Nottingham 

5 — Joseph  O.  Thompson, 

John  W.  Jones. 
6 — Daniel   N.   Cooper Birmingham 

Pope  M.  Long Cordova 

7— H.  G.  Ashley Asheville 

Geo.  L.  Malone Fort  Payne 

8 — H.  V.  Cashin Decatur 

Wm.   T.  Hutchens Huntsville 

9 — James  W.  Hughes,  Sr., 

J.   W.  Davidson, 


G.  H.  Wilkerson Mobile 

A.  N.  McEwen Mobile 

W.    S.    Reese Montgomery 

A.    J.    Collier Brundidge 

A.    C.   Walters Eufaula 

W.  F.  Tebbets Anniston 

F.  O.  Dudley Clanton 

Joseph  C.  Manning. 
W.  V.  Chambliss, 

J.  D.  Fowler Bankston 

C.  C.  Beverly Greensboro 

J.  F.  Sloan Cedarbluff 

R.  R.  McClesky Boaz 

J.   H.    McWilliams Athens 

Seaborn  E.   York Athens 

Joseph  H.  Montgomery. 
N.  L.  Wilson. 


ARKANSAS. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

H.  L.  Remmel Little  Rock       G.  A.  A.  Deane Little  Rock 

Sid  B.  Redding Little  Rock       E.    J.    Mason Portia 

Charles  N.  Rix Hot  Springs        J.  B.  Page Hot  Springs 

M.  W.  Gibbs...  ..Little  Rock        A.  M.  Middlebrooks Pine  Bluff 


DISTRICTS. 


1— T.    O.    Fitzpatrick Colt 

Jacob  Shaul  Marianna 

2 — Chas.  F.  Cole Batesville 

James  W.  Grubbs Newport 

3 — J.  F.  Henley Marshall 

F.  S.  Baker Eureka  Springs 

4 — E.  A.  Schicker Texarkana 

Louis  Friedman Fort  Smith 

6 — Oscar  Davis Little  Rock 

John  W.  White Russellville 

6 — Charles  T.  Duke Monticello 

Ferd  Havis  Pine  Bluff 

7 — A.  A.  Tufts Camden 

W.  E.  Yaeger Beirne 


Henry  McPherson   Paragould 

C.   B.   Brown Marianna 

J.  E.  Ford Mammoth  Springs 

E.   C.   Kinney Judsonia 

E.    F.   Paine Yellville 

A.  M.  Cole Winslow 

George  Legate    Mena 

J.  A.   Foster Harris 

W.   A.   Singfield Little  Rock 

David  G.  Hill Little  Rock 

R.  C.  Thompson Pine  Bluff 

Henry  Thane   Arkansas  City 

Jeff  Russell Hope 

Morris  Holmes Camden 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          85 

CALIFORNIA. 

Delegates.                  AT  LARGE.  Alternates. 

George  C.  Pardee Oakland        E.   A.    Forbes Marysville 

John  D.    Spreckels San   Francisco        Abraham  Ruef San  Francisco 

J.  W.  McKinley Los  A  ngeles        F.   K.  Rule Los  Angeles 

George   A.    Knight San   Francisco        W.   R.   Porter Watsonville 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — John  C.   Bull,   Jr Eureka       D.  D.  Dodson Tehama 

C.    E.    Clinch Nevada   City       F.  P.  Tuttle Auburn 

2 — Joseph  Steffens    Sacramento        C.  C.  Donovan Santa  Rosa 

W.  P.  Hammon Oroville       William  Van   Allen Ukiah 

3 — George  W.  Reed Oakland        T.   Olmstead Oakland 

W.    L.   Crooks Benicia       J.   P.    Stow Walnut   Creek 

4 — M.  A.  Gunst San  FYancisco        D.   D.    Sullivan San   Francisco 

A.  D.  Porter San  Francisco  H.  G.  W.  Dinkelspiel. . .  .San  Francisco 

5 — Mitchell  Phillips  San  Jose       C.  B.   Braslan San  Jose 

R.   H.  Countryman. .  .San  Francisco       J.  H.  Soper San  Francisco 

6— Frank  H.  Short Fresno       J.  H.  Fox Kings 

J.  G.   Priestly Lockford        A.   W.   Wyman Santa  Cruz 

7 — Oscar   Lawlor Los   Angeles       Willis   Booth Los  Angeles 

J.  H.  Norton Los  Angeles        G.  K.  Woodword Los  Angeles 

8— D.   F.  Hunt Santa  Barbara       D.    W.    Hasson Buena   Park 

E.  D.  Roberts San  Bernardino       A.  P.  Johnson Riverside 

COLORADO. 
Delegates.  AT  LARGE.  Alternates. 

E.  O.  Wolcott Walhurst  Daniel  M.   Sullivan Cripple  Creek 

James  H.  Peabody Canon  City  George  L.   Hodges Denver 

Archie   M.   Stevenson Denver  Mrs.  O.  E.   Le  Fevre Denver 

Thomas  F.   Walsh Ouray  Spencer  Penrose Colorado  Springs 

N.  Walter  Dixon Pueblo  Mrs.  C.  A.  Eldridge.  .Colorado  Springs 

Sylvester  S.  Downer Boulder  William  B.  Gobin Rocky  Ford 

DISTRICTS. 

1 — John  W.   Springer Denver  R.   W.   Wright,   Jr Denver 

W.   B.    Minor Fort  Collins  E.  L.  Smith Greeley 

2 — Charles  F.  Caswell.  .Grand  Junction  James  M.  Downing Aspen 

Clyde  C.  Dawson Canon  City  Percy   S.   Ryder Rico 

CONNECTICUT. 
Delegates.  AT  LARGE.  Alternates. 

Charles  F.  Brooker Ansonia       Charles  M.   Jarvis Berlin 

John  T.  Robinson Hartford        John  W.  Atwood Plainfield 

Francis   T.    Maxwell Rockville        Charles  A.  Thompson Melrose 

Frederick  De  Peyster Portland        William  H.   Lyons Meriden 

Frank  B.  Brandegee New  London        Fayette  L.  Wright Pomfret 

Michael   Kenealy    Stamford       James  A.  Doughty Torrington 

DISTRICTS. 
1— Charles  C.   Blssell Suffield        Adgar  F.   Burndam Hartford 

W.    H.   Hall Wellington        Fred   O.    Vinton Mansfield 

2 — Charles  S.  Mellen New  Haven       William  J.  Leavens  worth.  .Wallingford 

George   L.    Cheney .JEssex        B.    E.    Harwood Chester 

3 — Edwin  W.   Higgins Norwich       Angus  Park   Hanover 

Edwin  Milner   Moosup        George  A.   Hammond Putnam 

4 — George  L.  Rockwell Rideefield        Matthew    H.    Rogers Bridgeport 

Donald   T.   Warner Salisbury       Charles  M.  Beach New  Milford 


86  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

DELAWARE. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

J.  Edward  Addicks.  John  E.   Taylor. 

J.  Frank  Allee.  Geo.  W.  Marshall. 

John  Hunn.  Walter  O.  Hoffecker. 

Caleb  R.  Layton.  Joseph  H.   Cahall. 

Francis   S.  Bradley.  Abram  E.  Frantz. 

G.  Layton  Grier.  John  G.  Townsend. 

FLORIDA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

James  N.  Coombs Apalachicola       William  H.  Lucas Jacksonville 

Joseph  E.  Lee Jacksonville       Edward  Livingston Marianna 

Henry  S.  Chubb Winter  Park       William   H.    Northup Pensacola 

Mark  S.   White Pensacola       William  A.  Fleming St.  Augustine 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — George  W.  Allen Key  West       M.  G.  Gibbons. 

Henry   W.    Chandler Ocala       George  R.  McFarlane Tampa 

2 — W.  G.  Robinson Gainesville       John  W.   Howell Fernandina 

Thomas  S.  Harris Live  Oak       J.  C.  Willie Green  Cove  Springs 

3 — Charles  F.  Buffum Apalachicola       A.  B.  Osgood Madison 

W.  H.  Northup Pensacola       P.  A.  Davidson Pensacola 

GEORGIA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

W.   H.   Johnson Atlanta       N.   H.   Swayne Cedartown 

J.  W.  Lyons Augusta       A.  Akerman   Macon 

H.  S.  Edwards Macon       H.  M.  Porter Augusta 

H.  L.  Johnson Atlanta       B.  J.  Davis Dawson 

DISTRICTS. 

1 — John  H.  Deveaux Savannah  S.    Schwarzweiss    Waynesboro 

Henry  Blun,  Jr Savannah  W.  H.   Styles Thebes 

2 — J.  C.  Styles Dawson  J.   L.    Reddick Shellman 

C.  G.  Ward Hartsfleld  E.    B.   Brown Tifton 

3 — S.   S.  Humbert Montezuma  G.   W.   Humphrey Perry 

F.  P.  Mitchell Americus  S.  H.  Hulin Cordele 

4 — J.  S.  Garrett Columbus  A.   A.  Douglas Talbotton 

Payton   A.    Allen Newnan  E.  J.  Hlnton Woodbury 

5— E.  F.  Blodgett Atlanta  W.   E.  Hyatt Douglasville 

H.  A.  Rucker Atlanta  Thomas   Austin Jonesboro 

6— R.   L.  Williams Griffin  G.  L.  Braswell Clinton 

P.   S.  Arnold Fayetteville  J.    A.    Smith Forsythe 

7 — Charles  Adamson   Cedartown  D.   C.   Cole Marietta 

A.  Maxwell  Marietta  J.    F.    Leigh Cedartown 

8 — M.  B.   Morton Athena  J.   E.   Tate Elberton 

J.  E.  Porche Washington  George  Cunningham  Lexington 

9 — William  H.  C.  Tate Dahlonega  J.   R.   Smith Winder 

A.  J.  Spence Nelson  William  Wilson    Blueridge 

10— A.   W.    Wimberly Augusta  E.  D.   Smythe Augusta 

B.C.  May Sandersville  C.   A.   Culpepper Warrenton 

11 — W.   H.   Mathews Brunswick  W.   C.   Terrell Ocilla 

S.  S.  Mincey Alley  H.    Brunner    Fitzgerald 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION. 


87 


IDAHO. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Weldon    B.    Heyburn Wallace       A.  A.   Crane 

Drew   M.   Standrod Pocatello 

James   M.   Stevens Blackfoot 

W.  E.   Borah Boise 

C.  J.  Hall Grangeville 

Frank  R.  Gooding Shoshone 


Harrison 

George   C.    Parkinson Preston 

M.  M.  McPherson Salmon 

B.   L.    Steeves Welser 

Mrs.  J.  B.  West Lewiston 

William   T.    Riley Holley 


ILLINOIS. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

S.  M.  Cullom Springfield       W.  A.  Northcott Greenville 

Albert  J.  Hopkins Aurora       Asa  C.  Mathews Pittsfield 

Joseph  G.  Cannon Danville       Paul  Morton   Chicago 

Richard  Yates   Springfield       Samuel  Insull  Chicago 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — Frank   O.   Lowden Chicago 

Thos.  J.  Dixon Chicago 

2 — Wm.  A.  Coleman Chicago 

D.  A.  Pierce Chicago 

3 — William  H.  Webber Blue  Island 

Edgar  F.  Olson Chicago 

4 — Thomas  J.  Finucane Chicago 

M.  G.  Walsh Chicago 

5 — John  C.  Righiemer Chicago 

John  A.  Cook Chicago 

6 — Fred  M.  Blount Chicago 

William  Lorimer  Chicago 

7 — James  Reddick  Chicago 

William  E.  Mason Chicago 

8 — Isidore  H.  Himes Chicago 

Frederick  Midgely Chicago 

9 — Graeme  Stewart  Chicago 

John  M.  Smythe  Chicago 

10 — James  Pease  Chicago 

James  A.  Patten Evanston 

11 — Geo.  W.  Brown Wheaton 

C.  H.  Smith Aurora 

12 — Walter  Reeves  Streator 

Isaac  L.  Ellwood De  Kalb 

13— 


Edward  E.  Wilson Chicago 

Frank  X.  Cloidt Chicago 

John  Hales  Chicago 

John  S.  Hair Chicago 

George  C.  Flanner Chicago  Heights 

Alfred  Anderson   Chicago 

David   E.    Shanahan Chicago 

Peter  J.  Wendling Chicago 

A.  W.  Miller Chicago 

Jas.  D.  Banks Chicago 

William  H.   Baker Chicago 

W.  H.  Bennett Chicago 

Henry  J.   Sievert Chicago 

Frederick  Lundin    Chicago 

Albert  W.   Lange Chicago 

Adolph  Herman  Chicago 

Charles  Catlin   Chicago 

John  C.  Updegrove Chicago 

Amos  Pettibone  Chicago 

William  F.    Lipps Chicago 

H.   T.   Rockwell St.  Charles 

W.  E.  Hall Harvard 

Frank   N.    Enrietto. 
Lars  M.  Noting. 


14— Chas.  H.  Deere Moline 

J.  D.  Diffenbaugh Monmouth 

15 — Theodore  Becker  Geneseo 

L.  A.  Jarman Rushville 

16— 

17— Chas.  E.  Perkins Lincoln 

Isaac  Hammers  El  Paso 

18— Chas.  C.  Hitch Paris 

Fenton  W.  Booth Marshall 


Wm.  M.    Graham Aledo 

T.  C.  Allen Oquawka 

F.  R.  Jelliff Galesburg 

G.  L.  Miller Canton 


Arthur  J.  Scrogin Lexington 

H.  J.  Clarke Pontiac 


THIRTEENTH  CONGRESSIONAL  DISTRICT  OF  ILLINOIS. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

Franc  Bacon Oregon       E.  W.  Montgomery  Galena 

A.  G.  Harris Dixon        W.  W.  Gillespie Savanna 

SIXTEENTH  CONGRESSIONAL  DISTRICT  OF  ILLINOIS. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

C.  A.  Pervier Sheffield       J.B.Thornton Magnolia 

E.  I,.  Monscr Wenona        Prank  I,iggett Bradford 


88 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


ILLINOIS— Continued. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  I,ARGE. 


19 — Vespasian   Warner    Clinton 

Rowland  J.  Hamlin Shelbyville 

20 — Marion  Stauff  er  Barry 

E.  E.  Caldwell Havana 

21 — Theodore  Koch  Carlinville 

H.  N.  Schuyler Hanna 

22 — Chas.  W.  Thomas Belleville 

H.  F.  Reuter Nashville 

23 — Charles  L.  Wade Vandalia 

Geo.  L.  Pittinger Centralia 

24— Thos.  W.  Scott Fairfield 

Asa  Pixley West  Salem 

26— C.  O.  Patier Cairo 

W.  O.  Potter...  ..Marion 


Wiley  DeWeese    Deland 

W.    J.    Cochran Sullivan 

Andrew   Russell    Jacksonville 

Frank    Rowden    Fielden 

John  R.  Challacombe Hillsboro 

Chas.  E.  Selby Springfield 

W.  W.  Lewis Greenville 

Edward   Schoening    Columbia 

George  G.   Gilbert Mt.  Vernon 

James   B.   Jack Robinson 

Ross  Graham   Carmi 

W.   C.  Thompson Golconda 

George  A.   Bell Cobden 

C.  R.  Davis Pinckneyville 


Delegates. 


INDIANA. 

AT  LARGE. 


Alternates. 


Chas.  W.  Fairbanks Indianapolis 

Albert  J.   Beveridge Indianapolis 

Winfleld   T.   Durbin Anderson 

James    P.    Goodrich Winchester 


Eph.    Marsh    Greenfield 

Erastus   P.   McClure Marion 

Howard  Maxwell   Rockville 

J.  L.  C.  McAdams Red  Key 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — John  H.  Osborne Evansville 

Joseph  Hudspeth  Boonville 

2 — Joseph  Voris  Bedford 

Harve  E.  Cushman Linton 

3 — Samuel  H.  Wulfman.  .Huntingburg 

Harry  McCrain  Corydon 

4 — Jacob  M.  Bauer Lawrenceburg 

Otis  W.  Olcott Patriot 

5 — W.  R.  McKeen Terre  Haute 

H.  C.  Robinson Martinsville 

6— John  J.  Wingate Shelbyvilla 

Francis  T.  Roots Connersville 

7 — John  B.  Cockrum Indianapolis 

William  Kothe  Indianapolis 

8 — S.  E.  Clark Elwood 

L.  C.  Davenport Bluffton 

9 — George  T.  Dinwiddie Frankfort 

William  H.  Marker Tipton 

10— Finley  C.  Carson Michigan  City 

William  C.  Vanatta Fowler 

11 — Carey  E.  Cowgill Wabash 

Hood  Loveland  Peru 

12— Isaac  Strauss  Ligonier 

John  W.  Orndorf Churubusco 

13— D.  C.  Knott Plymouth 

Elmer  W.   Smith Winamac 


W.   B.  Anderson Velpen 

George    Walters    Poseyville 

Joseph   H.   Campbell Bloomington 

Milton  S.  Hastings Washington 

John   W.    Martin Scottsburg 

John  A.   Lingle Peoli 

Thomas  Wood  Franklin 

Lewis  Tracy    Whiteland 

William  Dorsey   Terre  Haute 

Benjamin  F.  Davis North  Salem 

Benjamin  F.   Koons New  Castle 

John  C.   Shirk Brooksville 

Marshall  Pugh  Indianapolis 

James  E.  Twiname Indianapolis 

R.   K.   Allison Decatur 

Ora  Williamson Red  Key 

Rankin  C.  Walkup Crawfordsville 

Chas.    W.    Pigman Delphi 

Harry   A.    Strohm Kentland 

Fremont   Goodwine    AVilliamsport 

Edmund  M.   Wasmuth Roanoke 

B.  G.  Shinn Hartford  City 

E.  C.  Rurode Fort  Wayne 

Norman  T.  Jackman Auburn 

Chas.   J.  Danielson Knox 

F.  H.  Wurzer ,.. South  Bend 


HON.    R.    B.    SCHNEIDER,   of   Nebraska, 
Treasurer  of  the   Executive  Committee. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION. 


89 


IOWA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

TV.  B.  Allison Dubuque       D.  H.  Bowen Waukon 

J.    P.    Dolliver Ft.  Dodge        C.    W.    Grim Estherville 

A.  B.  Cummins Des  Moines       F.  R.  Crocker Chariton 

J.   W.    Blythe Burlington       F.  W.   Simmons Ottumwa 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — M.  W.  Bailey Washington       E.  H.   Skinner Keosanqua 


C.  A.  Carpenter.  .Columbus  J'ction 
2— G.  W.  French Davenport 

George  M.  Curtis Clinton 

3— E.  S.  Ellsworth Iowa  Falls 

O.  M.  Gillett Independence 

4— A.  H.  Gale Mason  City 

Harry  Green  Decorah 

5 — J.  W.  Doxsee Monticello 

E.  E.  Clark Cedar  Rapids 

6 — H.  L.  Waterman Ottumwa 

John  A.  De  Muth Melrose 

7 — John  H.  Henderson Indianola 

John  I.  Hostetter Colo 

8 — W.  M.  Peatman Centerville 

H.  F.  Jaqua Bedford 

9 — George  S.  Wright Council  Bluffs 

W.  S.  Ellis Red  Oak 

10 — M.  Head Jefferson 

E.  K.  Winne Humboldt 

11 — R.  L.  Cleaves Cherokee 

A.  Van  der  Meide Orange  City 


C.  W.  Payne Mt.  Pleasant 

G.   M.    Titus Muscatjne 

M.    A.    Raney Marengo 

Berton  R.  Sweet Waverly 

I.   L.    Stuart Hampton 

William   Smythe   Rockford 

J.  A.  Kepler North  Wood 

S.  S.  Sweet Belle  Plaine 

E.  G.  Penrose Tama 

John  T.    Brooks Hedrick 

Ham  W.   Robinson Colfax 

J.  H.  Wintrode Winterset 

T.  J.  Caldwell Adel 

C.    T.   Hardinger Osceola 

J.   D.  Brown Leon 

M.  McDonald  Guthrie  Center 

L.   F.   Potter Harlan 

A.    J.    Cole Britt 

S.    L.    Moore Boone 

R.    Lipton Ida   Grove 

J.    W.    Crum ...Sheldon 


Delegates. 


KANSAS. 


Alternates. 


AT  LARGE. 


M.  A.   Low Topeka 

Joseph  H.  Richards Ft.  Scott 

W.    S.    Fitzpatrick Sedan 

Hiram  B.  Miller Osage  City 

William    H.    Mitchell Beloit 

Fred    D.    Smith Kinsley 


Albert    Sarbach    Holton 

Richard  W.  Blue Columbus 

B.  J.  Britton Piedmont 

Harry  E.  Richter Council  Grove 

William  Mackey,  Jr Junction  City 

Carr  W.   Taylor Hutchinson 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — W.  T.  F.  Donald Atchison 

J.  W.  Fleming Soldier 

2 — Samuel  J.  Stewart Humbolt 

Frank  R.  Ogg Olathe 

3 — George  D.  Boon Chetopa 

Thomas  Scurr,  Jr Coffeyville 

4 — J.  W.  Johnson Hamilton 

William  Martindale  Emporia 

5— S.  H.  Hamilton Clifton 

B.  Rockwell Junction  City 

6— Charles  E.  Hall Russell 

Elmer  E.  Ames Norton 

7— W.  J.  Fitzgerald Dodge  City 

O.    Z.    Smith..,  ..Wichita 


W.  E.  McCandless Horton 

D.  A.  Hook Leavenworth 

John  Francis. 
Joe  Eddy. 

William  H.  Kramer Neodesha 

W.  A.  Elstun Moline 

J.  B.  Carlisle. 
H.  J.  Floersch. 

Gomer  Davies    Concordia 

L.   B.   McChesney Clay   Center 

G.    W.    Cross Ellis 

N.  A.  Turner Colby 

A.    C.    Jordan Lyons 

Thomas  Jackson   ..Newton 


90 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


KENTUCKY. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

William  O.  Bradley Louisville       John  P.  Haswell,  Jr Hardinsburg 

George  W.  Long Leitchfield       Henry  L.  Howard Harlan 

Richard  P.  Ernst Covington       James  M.  DeWeese Hartford 

Edward  E.   Underwood Frankfort       W.  H.   Parker Beattyville 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — Phillip  H.  Darby Princeton       R.  R.  Morgan Princeton 


J.  C.  Speight Mayfield 

2 — James  Breathitt Hopkinsville 

Elijah  G.  Sebree Henderson 

3 — T.  J.  Sparks Central  City 

Walter  Wilkins  Elkton 

4 — John  W.  Lewis Springfield 

H.  F.  Troutman Shepardsville 

5 — Augustus  E.  Wilson Louisville 

Henry  L.  Stone Louisville 

6 — William  H.  Dyer Newport 

Henry  Scheurman  Carrollton 

7 — Leslie  Combs  Lexington 

W.  L.  Cannon Midway 

8 — Brutus  J.  Clay Richmond 

George  W.  Welsh Danville 

9 — Charles  F.  Weaver Ashland 

W.  G.  Dearing Flemingsburg 

10 — H.  Green  Garrett Winchester 

John  M.  Bowling Pikesville 

11 — James  Denton  Somerset 

J.  G.   Forrester Harlan 


D.    L.   Redden Murray 

J.  M.  Peters Owensboro 

Wilbur  Cromwell Morganfield 

Earl  Huntsman Scottsville 

J.  T.  Doores Bowling  Green 

John  W.  Downard West  Point 

W.  T.  Hawkins Lebanon 

B.   Bernheim    '. Louisville 

J.  Wheeler  McGee .....Louisville 

M.  C.  Ridgeway Falmouth 

R.  H.  Lucky Williamstown 

Thomas  J.   Hardin Monterey 

Miles  J.  Williams Eminence 

G.  M.  Ballard Mt.  Vernon 

Frank  P.  James Harrodsburg 

John  D.   Little  John Graysoii 

H.   C.   Metcalfe Brooksville 

John  H.  Hardwick Stanton 

James  P.  Adams Slayersville 

R.  W.  Cole Barbourville 

W.  T.  Davis..,  ...Pineville 


Delegates. 


Walter  L.  Cohen. 
Emile   Kuntz. 
Girrault  Farrar. 
H.   B.    N.   Brown. 
Pearl  Wight. 
H.   C.   Wannouth. 
W.  J.   Behan. 
L.  F.  Suthon. 


1 — Joseph  Fabacher. 

J.  Madison  Vance. 

Hugh    S.    Suthon. 

Felix   Berhel. 
2 — H.    W.    Robinson. 

M.  G.  Bobe. 

Charles  W.   Godchaux. 

W.  J.  Waguespack. 
3 — J.  M.  Haggerty. 

A.  J.  Jones. 

F.   B.  Williams. 

Jules  Godchaux. 


LOUISIANA. 

Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 
ONE-HALF  VOTE  EACH. 

James  E.   Porter. 
P.  H.   Segura, 

D.  A.  Lines. 
John  Marks. 
J.    W.   Porch. 
S.   A.   Knapp. 
Andrew    Hero. 
Gus  Lehmann. 

DISTRICTS. 
ONE-HALF  VOTE  EACH. 

C.  W.  Boothby. 
I.    G.   Wynn. 
A.  B.  Kennedy. 
F.  R.  Tenneret. 
A.   C.   Fowler. 

E.  F.  R.  Augustus. 
E.  J.  Thllborger. 
W.  P.  Luck. 
Mayer  Cahen. 
John   Tregle. 
Jules  Dreyfus. 
Honore  Dugas. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          91 

LOUISIANA— Continued. 
Delegates,  DISTRICTS.  Alternates. 

ONE-HALF   VOTE   EACH. 

4— A.  H.  Leonard.  J.  W.  Walker. 

S.  P.   Brown.  J.  B.  Green. 

B.  F.  Oneal.  S.  Herold. 

C.  J.  Green.  W.  J.  Tatum. 

5 — J.  W.   Cook.  George  W.  Stewart. 

S.  W.   Green.  John  W.  Robinson. 

W.   T.   Insley.  Henry  E.  Hardtner. 

H.  B.  Taliaferro.  Leopold   Elgutter. 

6 — L.  J.  Souer.  George  J.  Duffy. 

B.  V.   Baranco.  John   Brown. 

H.  W.  Robinson.  George  J.  Reiley. 

F.  J.  Webb.  J.  B.  Churchill. 
7 — C.  C.  Duson.  J.  S.   Thomas. 

J.  A.    Spencer.  Henry  Erlich. 

G.  L.  Lasalle.  Joseph  A.   Block. 
W.  R.  Wright.                                               H.  Dupuy. 

MAINE. 
Delegates.  AT  LARGE.  Alternates. 

F.   E.   Boothby Portland        Wm.    Dobson    Pittsfield 

Edwin  Riley Livermore       E.    J.    Mayo Foxcroft 

John    F.    Hill Augusta       Henry  H.   Chamberlain Bristol 

F.   M.    Simpson Bangor       Richard  Webb Portland 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — Ernest  M.  Goodall Sanford       Henry  P.  Cox Portland 

Woodbury  K.  Dana Westbrook       James  O.  Bradbury Saco 

2 — Sanford  L.   Fogg Bath       A.  G.  Staples Auburn 

Harry  B.  Austin Phillips       A.  H.  Shaw Bath 

3 — A.  G.   Blunt Skowhegan        Byron  Boyd    Augusta 

Elmer  P.  Spofford Deer  Isle        Wm.  H.  Davis Bar  Harbor 

4 — V.  L.  Coffin Harrington       N.  M.  Jones Bangor 

Albert  A.   Burleigh Houlton       H.   W.  Blanchard Eastport 

MARYLAND. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

L.  E.  McComas Hagerstown  Gist  Blair Silver  Spring 

Stevenson  A.  Williams Bel  Air  William  B.   Baker Aberdeen 

William  H.  Jackson Salisbury  James  H.  Baker Pamona 

Felix  Angus Baltimore  Martin  M.  Mulhall Baltimore 

DISTRICTS. 

1— Henry  M.  McCullough Elkton  William  J.  Vannort. 

Phillips  L.  Goldsborough. Cambridge  William  A.  Day. 

2 — Jas.  E.  Ingraham,  Jr Pikesville  Thomas  V.  Richardson Phoenix 

Chas.  C.  Gorsuch Westminster  E.  E.  Reindollar Westminster 

3 — D.  W.  Jones.  Caleb  F.  Bond. 

William  S.  Booze.  John  Kronmiller. 

4 — William  H.  Green.  William  T.  Conn. 

Harry  S.  Cummings.  Alexander  Williams. 

5 — Albert    A.    Blakeney Savage  Richard  N.  Ryan Upper  Marlboro 

Thos.  Parran   Annapolis  C.  B.  Henken Annapolis 

6 — Thos.  C.  Noyes Tacoma  Park  W.  M.  Nihiser. 

Reno  S.  Harp Frederick  John  R.  Rouzer. 


92 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


MASSACHUSETTS. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 


H.  C.  Lodge Nahant 

W.    Murray   Crane Dalton 

John  D.  Long Hingham 

Everett  C.   Benton Boston 


Graf  ton    D.    Gushing Boston 

Arthur  B.   Daniels Adams 

Frank  B.  Stevens Newton 

Walter  B.  Hopkinson. . .  .Newberryport 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — James  W.  Toole Holyoke 

William  A.  Gallup ...  North  Adams 
2— A.  H.  Goetting Springfield 

Henry  P.  Field Northampton 

3 — Charles  G.  Washburn Worcester 

Samuel  E.  Hull Millbury 

4 — L.  Dewart  Apsley Hudson 

George  R.  Wallace Fitchburg 

5 — Frank  E.  Dunbar Lowell 

Geo.  E.  Kunhardt.  .North  Andover 
6 — John  L.  Hobson Haverhill 

James  F.  Shaw Manchester 

7 — William  Shepherd  Lynn 

Edward  C.  Mead Everett 

8 — Hans  L.  Carstein Cambridge 

William  B.  Lawrence Medford 

9 — John  Marno  Boston 

A.  G.  Ratshesky  Boston 

10 — Robert  G.  Proctor Quincy 

Harrison  H.  Atwood Boston 

11 — William  W.  Davis Boston 

James  N.  Thompson Boston 

12 — William  M.  Flanders Newton 

Leslie  C.  Wead Brookline 

13 — David  L.  Parker New  Bedford 

Robert  T.  Davis Fall  River 

14 — David  G.  Pratt Middleborough 

Sidney  O.  Bigney Attleboro 


John   H.   C.   Church.  .Great  Barrington 

Clifton   L.   Field Greenfield 

"Wilson   H.    Fairbank Warren 

John  W.    Wheeler Orange 

John  P.  Munroe Worcester 

Joseph   G.    E.   Page Southbridge 

Elisha  M.  Whitney Winchendon 

Wellington  E.   Parkhurst Clinton 

Charles  H.   Nowell Reading 

Walter  E.  Parker Lawrence 

Walter    H.    Trumbull Salem 

James  E.  Tolman Gloucester 

Frank  A.  Bayrd Maiden 

Joseph  T.  Wilson Nahant 

Jacob  Bitzer  Arlington 

Fred.  L.  Ripley Winchester 

John   R.    Neal Winthrop 

Edward  B.   Newton Winthrop 

William  L.  Terhune Boston 

Frederick  W.   Bliss Boston 

Jacob  H.  Mock Boston 

George  W.  Phipps Boston 

Cornelius  R.  Day Blackstone 

Albert  Totten   North  Attleboro 

William   A.    Andrew Marion 

Herbert  A.  Dean Berkeley 

John    S.    Kent Brockton 

Robert   A.   Hammond..        ...Sandwich 


MICHIGAN. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Dexter  M.   Ferry Detroit       James  O.   Murfin Detroit 

Thomas  J.   O'Brien Grand  Rapids       E.  T.  Rowley Bay  City 

Ralph   Loveland    Saginaw       D.  B.  K.  Van  Raalte Holland 

Thomas  Walters  Ishpeming       Whitney  Watkins    Jackson 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — Allen  H.  Frazer Detroit 

E.  W.  Haas Detroit 

2 — Charles  Lewis   Jackson 

George  D.  Jones Wyandotte 

3— L.   M.   Wing Coldwater 

F.  A.    Roethlisberger Hillsdale 

4 — Charles  E.   Sweet Dowagiac 

A.  O.  Duncombe Paw  Paw 


Charles  F.  Bielman. 
Paul  F.  Bagley. 
R.  L.  Warren. 
E.  C.  Dienzer. 

S.  S.  French 

Otto  Ihling   

R.  T.  French. 
Charles  Davidson. 


.Battle  Creek 
.  .Kalamazoo 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION. 


93 


MICHIGAN— Continued. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 


5 — William  Judson Grand  Rapids 

H.  F.  Harbeck Grand  Haven 

6 — F.  P.  Sayre Flushing 

W.  C.  Huntington Howell 

7 — William  B.  Williams Lapeer 

Dwight  N.  Lowell Macomb 

8 — Coleman  C.  Vaughn St.  Johns 

Alonzo  B.  Markham Caro 

9 — Thomas  Monroe  Muskegon 

Calvin  A.  Palmer Manistee 

10 — Lemeul  G.  Defoe Alpena 

William  Reardon Midland 

11 — Theodore  Schmidt  Reed  City 

Andrew  B.  Dougherty.  .Elk  Rapids 
12 — John  H.  MacLean Ironwood 

John  W.  Wells Menominee 


F.  P.  Hicks   Lowell 

Brenton  F.  Hall Belding 

O.  C.  Trask Williamston 

Alfred    Rice    Dearborn 

William   Dawson    Sanilac 

John    Maywood     Huron 

Charles  T.  Reynick. 
George  T.  Campbell. 

Gardner  T.   Sands Pentwater 

Frank  P.  Dunwell Ludington 

A.  L.  Deuel Harbor  Springs 

Benjamin  Bennett West  Branch 

David  Holmes Lake  City 

J.  H.  Gibbs Edmore 

William  J.  Galbraith Calumet 

Thomas  B.  White Escanaba 


MINNESOTA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Knute  Nelson Alexandria       E.    J.    Herringer Ada 

Moses    E.    Clapp St.  Paul       Frank  T.  White Elk  River 

S.  R.  Van  Sant St.  Paul       A.   R.  McGill St.  Paul 

Thomas  Lowry Minneapolis       T.  W.  Hugo Duluth 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — E.  B.  Collester Waseca 

John  M.  Rowley Rochester 

2 — Gustav  F.  Widell Mankato 

H.  C.  Grass Slayton 

3 — W.  W.  Sivright Hutchinson 

J.  A.  Gates Kenyon 

4— F.  B.  Kellogg St.  Paul 

E.  G.  Rogers St.  Paul 

5 — W.  W.  Heffelfinger Minneapolis 

C.  A.  Smith Minneapolis 

6 — Frank  C.  Rice Park  Rapids 

C.  H.  Marsh Litchfleld 

7 — V.  B.  Seaward Marshall 

L.  O.  Thorpe Willmer 

8 — Joseph  B.  Cotton Duluth 

Charles  P.  DeLaittre Aitkin 

9 — A.  D.  Stephens Crookston 

Amos   Marckel Perham 


A.    S.    Campbell Austin 

S.   A.    Langum Preston 

E.  T.  Smith Lakefield 

F.  L.  Humiston Worthington 

G.  A.  McKensie Gaylord 

Wm.   Hodgson   Hastings 

P.   H.    Stolberg Paris 

Frank    J.    Lake Stillwater 

Stewart    Gamble Minneapolis 

T.   E.    Burns Minneapolis 

S.   L.  Frazier Verndale 

George  Hanscom Foley 

H.  Thorson Elbow  Lake 

C.  H.  Colyer Wheaton 

J.  E.  Lynds  Cloquet 

W.  R.  Gillis Anoka 

N.  M.  Watson Red  Lake  Falls 

Geo.  E.  Perley Moorehead 


MISSISSIPPI. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

L.   B.  Moseley Jackson       E.    P.   Jones Vicksburg 

F.W.Collins Summit        B.    F.    Lacey Shilo 

Wesley   Crayton Vicksburg       W.  F.  Elgin Corinth 

G.    C.    Cranberry Raymond       J.  C.  Hill Meridian 


94 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


MISSISSIPPI—  Continued. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 
1— J.   T.  Wood Columbus       F.  H.  Powers... 


M.  A.  Blanchard Muldrow 

2 — S.    M.   Howry Oxford 

E.  H.  McKissick Holly  Springs 

3 — R.  A.  Simmons.      "I 

Charles  Banks.         i    One-half  vote 

Lewis  Waldauer.  ea.cb. 

D.  W.  Gary. 
4— J.  W.  Bell Pontotoc 

C.  A.  Buchanan West  Point 

5 — W.  J.  Price Meridian 

J.  W.  Holmes Meridian 

6 — W.   A.    Collins. Hattiesburg 

L.  J.  Piernas Bay  St.   Louis 

7 — W.    O.    Ligon Gloster 

Thomas  Richardson Port  Gibson 

8 — W.  E.  Mollison Vicksburg 

J.  B.  Tellowly Ridgeland 


One-half  vote  each. 


Starkville 

D.  W.  Sherrod Macon 

J.    O.    Askew Sardis 

J.    W.    Avant Oxford 

L.   T.  Marcus.      "| 

R.    L.    Flagg. 
N.  L.  Lackey. 
G.    A.    Lee.  J 

W.    H.   Jernagin Jackson 

Dudley  Johnson    Carrollton 

J.  W.   Smith Meridian 

T.  J.  Wilson Meridian 

J.   C.    Tyler Biloxi 

E.  D.  Howell Hattiesburg 

J.  M.   Tyler Bogue  Chitto 

James  S.  McCusker Macomb 

E.    W.    Jones Jackson 

E.  W.  Barnes Canton 


MISSOURI. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

L.    F.    Parker St.    Louis       J.   C.   Moore Arbella 

Robert  C.  Day St.  Louis       Walter  F.  Farmer St.  Louis 

W.  C.  Pierce Marysville       A.  L.  Thomas California 

C.  W.  Clarke Kansas  City       Nelson  Crews   Kansas  City 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — Lee  T.  Robison Unionville 

Ed.  S.  Brown Edina 

2— Ed.  F.  Daly Chillicothe 

Forrest  G.  Ferris Moberly 

3 — Boyd  Dudley Gallatin 

B.  P.  Seigler Bethany 

4 — E.  M.  Birkes St.  Joseph 

Ed.   F.   Smith Savannah 

5 — Joseph  H.  Harris Kansas  City 

Wallace  Love   Kansas  City 

6— J.  R.  Hales Rich  Hill 

O.  L.  Houts Warrensburg 

7 — D.  A.  Murphy Humansville 

S.  P.  Houston Malta  Bend 

8 — Sid  C.  Roach. 

Alfred  G.   Baker. 
9 — Taylor  Frier  Louisiana 

A.  Kramolowskl   Union 

10 — Louis  P.  Aloe St.  Louis 

Fred  Essen   Clayton 

11— Charles  H.  Witthoeff t . . . .  St.  Louis 

Thomas  K.  Neidringhaus.St.  Louis 
12 — George   C.   R.   Wagoner. 

A.    L.    Shapleigh. 


John  S.   Newlan Lewistown 

J.  S.  Baker Lancaster 

G.  D.  Vlles Norborne 

W.    E.   Flanders Paris 

J.  L.  Tilton Grant  City 

Fred  W.  Coon Princeton 

George  R.  Jones Phelps  City 

W.    T.    Clements. 

Joseph  Fontron Kansas  City 

W.  H.  Waggoner Independence 

Charles  Boisseau   Greenfield 

C.  W.  Hight Harrisonville 

C.  S.  Blackmar New  Franklin 

W.   H.   Carter Sedalia 

Walter  Harris. 
George  G.  Sullivan. 


Theodore  Heege   Clayton 

Fred   H.    Smith St.    Louis 

Hy.    Pins,   Jr St.   Louis 

E.  W.  Moeller St.  Louis 

W.  H.  Ludwig. 
Clarence   T.   Case. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.          95 

MISSOURI— Continued. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 
13 — V.  V.  Ing Greenville       Leo  Yount   Frederickstown 

John  H.  Reppey Hillsboro       R.   W.   Gay Ironton 

14 — H.  A.  Smith West  Plains       C.  G.  Shepard Caruthersville 

H.  D.   Williams Poplar  Bluff       G.  W.  Peck ,. Maiden 

15— W.  J.   Sewall Carthage       G.  W.  Smith South  West  City 

J.  W.  Coleman Marionville       C.  W.   Curtis Neosho 

16— Ben  F.  Russell Steeleville       William  H.  Lynch Salem 

James   T.   Moore Lebanon       Charles  H.    Covert Houston 

MONTANA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Joseph  M.  Dixon Missoula  Nelson  Story,  Jr. 

Lee  Mantle.  W.  F.  Meyer. 

James  W.  Freeman.  Charles  M.  Pray. 

Thomas  H.   Carter.  W.    J.    Brennen. 

Conrad   Kohrs.  W.    P.    Baker. 

J.  E.   Edwards.  B.  E.  Calkins. 

NEBRASKA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

John  F.  Piper Lyons       Shelby  Hastings. 

Harry  C.  Brome Omaha       I.   M.   Raymond. 

E.    F.   Leflang Lexington       C.E.Adams. 

C.   B.  Dempster Beatrice       E.  K.  Valentine. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 — Frank  Helvey  Nebraska  Jesse  L.   Root. 

W.  J.  CrandaU Firth  Chas.  H.  Halstedt. 

2 — G.   W.   Wattles Omaha  S.   K.  Spaulding. 

Herman  Aye Blair  E.  A.  Benson. 

3 — Frank  Williams   Albion  Homer  Hansen    Columbus 

Frank  Nelson Niobrara  William  P.  Warner Dakota  City 

4 — F.  I.  Foss Crete  William  Cook. 

Harry  M.  Childs York  O.  P.  Baker. 

5 — Alexander   Campbell McCook  R.  L.  Keester Alma 

Adam  Breede Hastings  N.  C.  Rogers Minden 

6— W.  P.  Miles Sidney  Harvel  J.  Ellis Alliance 

E.   C.   Harris Chadron  Thomas  Wright  Ansley 

NEVADA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

P.  L.  Flannigan.  L.  J.    Cohn Reno 

E.  S.   Farington.  O.  J.    Smith Reno 

S.  L.  Lee.  H.  A.    Springmeyer Gardnerville 

Barney  Reymers.  M.  L.  Roeder Hawthorn 

P.  R.  McNamee.  H.  B.  Maxson Reno 

R.  S.  Meacham.  H.  Burrell    .                                      .  .Elko 


96  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Jacob  H.   Gallinger :  Concord       James  M.  Lavin Berlin 

Henry  E.   Burnham Manchester       Eugene  Quirin   Manchester 

Sumner  Wallace   Rochester       Lycurgus  Pitman  Conway 

Daniel    C.   Remich Littleton        Seth  M.  Richards Newport 

DISTRICTS. 
1— Edwin   C.    Bean Belmont       William  R.  Clough Alton 

Rosecrans   W.    Pillsbury Derry       Thomas  H.  Dearborn Dover 

2 — Bertram.  Ellis Keene       Lester  F.   Thurber Nashua 

Winston  Churchill    Cornish       Charles  H.  Long Claremont 

NEW  JERSEY. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Franklin  Murphy   Newark       Samuel  D.   Dickinson Hoboken 

John  Kean   Elizabeth       Wood  McKee   Paterson 

John  F.  Dryden Newark       C.  E.  Breckenridge Maywood 

David  Baird  Camden       Griffith  W.   Lewis. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 — J.  A.  Van  Sant Camden  Frank  B.  Ridgeway Woodbury 

William   Plummer,    Jr.  Wm.  H.  Chew Salem 

2— John  J.  Gardner Egg  Harbor  L.  N.  Cresse Ocean  City 

Bloomfield  H.   Minch Millville  Howard  Burr   Pemberton 

3 — Andrew   Church.  S.   S.  Taylor Lakewood 

Edmund  Wilson Red  Bank  B.    S.   Crosby Tuckerton 

4 — James  B.  Duke.  John  A.  Shields Flemington 

C.  Edward  Murray.  Harry  A.    Garfield Princeton 

5 — James  H.   McGraw Madison  Alex.  Gilbert   Plainfleld 

A.  Blair  Kelsey.  Frank  H.  Davis Elizabeth 

6 — William  M.  Johnson. .  .Hackensack  Peter  Quackenbush   Paterson 

William  Barbour Paterson  Jas.  P.  T.  Tonking.  .Franklin  Furnace 

7 — Henry  M.  Doremus Newark  Benj.    Graham    Montclair 

Thomas  D.   Webb Orange  John  B.  Wood   Newark 

8— Leslie  D.  Ward Newark  H.    C.    H.   Herold Newark 

Ira  D.   Kipp South  Orange  Chas.  Starr  East  Orange 

9 — W.  G.  Nelson Jersey  City  T.  M.  Tenbroeck Bayonne 

William  J.  Davis Harrison  Fred'k   Dieffenbach Jersey  City 

10 — Aaron  F.   Baldwin Hoboken  Herman  Walker Guttenburg 

Mark  Fagan Jersey  City  Philip  J.  Dandt Jersey  City 

NEW    YORK. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Thomas  C.  Platt Owego       Jacob   S.    Fassett Elmira 

Chauncey  M.  Depew. . .  .New  York  City       Louis  Stern New  York  City 

Benjamin    B.    Odell,    Jr Newburgh       Erastus   C.    Knight Buffalo 

Frank  S.  Black Troy       Henry  C.   Brewster Rochester 

DISTRICTS. 

1 — John    J.    Bartlett Greenport       George    M.    Vail Riverhead 

Fred   P.   Morris Flushing       Henry  Willetts   Jamaica 

2 — Philip   T.   Williams Brooklyn       Wm.  E.  F.  Behrens Brooklyn 

George   A.    Owens Brooklyn       George  H.  Nason Brooklyn 


HON.    HARRY  S.   NEW,   of  Indiana, 
Member  of  the    Executive  Committee. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION. 


97 


NEW  YORK— Continued. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 


3_Alfred    T.    Hobley Brooklyn 

John  Wirth Brooklyn 

4— John  K.  Neal Brooklyn 

Wm.  C.  Rosenkranz Brooklyn 

5— Robert  A.  Sharkey Brooklyn 

Fred'k  J.  H.  Kracke Brooklyn 

6— Timothy  L.  Woodruff Brooklyn 

William  Berri Brooklyn 

7 — Michael  J.  Dady Brooklyn 

Jacob  Brenner  Brooklyn 

8— James  G.  Timolat..New  York  City 

William  -Halpin New  York  City 

9 — Charles  H.  Murray. New  York  City 

Edward  Lauterbach  New  York  City 
10 — Thos.  Rothmann.  Sr.Xew  York  City 

Thos.  L.  Hamilton  New  York  City 
11— John  P.  Windolph..New  York  City 

Charles  B.  Page New  York  City 

12— C.  N.  Bliss New  York  City 

F.  Norton  Goddard.New  York  City 
13— Elihu  Root New  York  City 

Nicholas  Murray  Butler.  N.  Y.  City 
14— Ambrose  O.  Neal.. New  York  City 

John  W.  Bennett. Long  Island  City 
15 — Lemuel  E.  Quigg...New  York  City 

Alexander  T.  Mason N.  Y.  City 

16 — Nathaniel  A.  Elsberg..N.  Y.  City 

William  N.  Cohen.. New  York  City 
17 — Julius  M.  Mayer... New  York  City 

William  M.  K.  Olcott N.  Y.  City 

18— William  H.  Ten  Eyck..N.  Y.  City 

Edward  H.  Healy..New  York  City 
19 — Wm.  L.  Ward Port  Chester 

Wm.  Archer  Mt.  Vernon 

20 — John  P.  Roosa Monticello 

Edward  H.  Harriman Arden 

21 — Louis  F.  Payn Chatham 

John  R.  Yale Brewster 

22 — C.  V.  Collins Troy 

James  S.  Parker Salem 

23 — Wm.  Barnes,  Jr Albany 

John  N.  Parker Schenectady 

24 — George  I.  Wilber Oneonta 

G.  D.    B.    Hasbrouck Kingston 

25 — E.  T.  Brackett.  ..Saratoga  Springs 

L.  N.  Littauer Gloversville 

26 — George  R.  Malby Ogdensburg 

H.  Wallace  Knapp Mooers 

27— Wm.  E.  Lewis Utica 

J.  J.  Gilbert Little  Falls 

28— Patrick  W.  Cullinan Oswego 

Elon  R.  Brown..,         .  .Watertown 


Wm.    H.    Caldwell Brooklyn 

Isaac    Meseritz Brooklyn 

George   Wolf    Brooklyn 

Jacob   D.    Remsen Brooklyn 

Richard  M.  Bennett Brooklyn 

John   J.    Barrett Brooklyn 

Alexander  Robb    Brooklyn 

John  F.   Geis Brooklyn 

D.  H.   Ralston Brooklyn 

Wm.  J.  Seattle Brooklyn 

Michael  Hines New  York  City 

Louis  J.  Hoenninger...New  York  City 

Otto  A.  Rosalsky New  York  City 

Jacob  A.  Newstead. . .  .New  York  City 

Fred  L.  Marshall New  York  City 

Max  Hahn New  York  City 

Joseph  T.  Hackett New  York  City 

George  W.  Wanmaker.  .New  York  City 

Jacob  Kahn New  York  City 

Harry  E.  Bedell New  York  City 

George  B.  Agnew New  York  City 

James  Stewart New  York  City 

Jastrow  Alexander New  York  City 

William  H.  Williams,  Jr....N.   Y.  City 

John  Reisenweber New  York  City 

William  J.  Rogers,  Jr. . .  New  York  City 

Isaac  Newman  New  York  City 

Seabury  C.  Mastick New  York  City 

James  Y.  Watkins New  York  City 

Ernest  F.  Eilert New  York  City 

Thomas  W.  Whittle New  York  City 

George  T.  Adee New  York  City 

John   E.  Andrus Yonkers 

John  J.  Brown White  Plains 

John  D.  Wilson Newburgh 

Arthur  S.  Tompkins Nyack 

George   M.    Hine Poughkeepsie 

Samuel  K.  Phillips Matteawan 

Alba   M.   Ide Troy 

John  B.  Davis Granvil'e 

Henry  M.   Sage Albany 

Thomas  W.  Winne Niskayuna 

E.  Reed  Ford Oneonta 

Martin  Cauline    Kingston 

Jacob  Snell  Fonda 

L.  W.  Emerson Warrensburg 

Royal   Newton    Parishville 

Ben.   L.    Orcutt Dickinson 

Van  R.  Weaver Utica 

Chas.  J.  Palmer Little  Falls 

James  A.   Outterson Carthage 

John  S.  Koster Port  Leyden 


98 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


NEW  YORK—  Continued. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 


29 — Francis  Hendricks  Syracuse 

Henry  B.    Coman Morrisville 

30 — John  W.   Dwight Dryden 

George  W.  Dunn Binghamton 

31 — S.  E.  Payne Auburn 

John   Raines Canandaigua 

32 — George  W.  Aldridge Rochester 

James  Breck  Perkins. ..  .Rochester 
33 — J.   Sloat   Fassett Elmira 

Arthur  E.  Valois Valois 

34 — James  W.  Wadsworth Geneseo 

Fred   C.   Stevens. 
35 — John  Grimms,   Jr Buffalo 

Charles    Mosier Buffalo 

36— William  C.  Warren Buffalo 

Clark  H.  Timerman Buffalo 

37— S.  Fred  Nixon Westfield 

N.  V.  V.  Franchot..  ...  Clean 


O.    W.    Burhyte    Brookfield 

Howard  Newton Norwich 

Wm.    A.    Smyth Owego 

Jean  L.  Burnett Canandaigua 

Morris  F.  Sheppard Penn  Yan 

James  L.   Hotchkiss Rochester 

Selden  S.  Brown Rochester 

Wm.  H.  Pranger Hornellsville 

Wm.  H.  Nichols Bath 

Francis  T.   Miller. 
Stanislaus  P.   Franchot. 

Charles   F.   Susdorf Buffalo 

Nicholas   J.    Mock Buffalo 

John  G.   Wallenmeier Tonawanda 

Horace  F.  Hunt Hamburg 

Julius  Lincoln  Jamestown 

Frank  Utter Friendship 


NORTH  CAROLINA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Thomas  S.  Rollins Ashevllle       Mark  W.    Brown Asheville 

E.    Spencer  Blackburn Raleigh       Robert  H.  McNeill Jefferson 

B.  F.  Mebane Shray       Claudius   Dockery Raleigh 

E.  C.  Duncan Raleigh       Louis  N.   Grant Goldsboro 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — Harry  Skinner  Greenville 

I    M.   Meekins Elizabeth   City 

2 — H.  P.  Cheatham. 

S.  H.  Vick Wilson 

3 — W.  S.  O'B.   Robinson Goldsboro 

George  E.  Butler Clinton 

4 — Thomas  T.  Hicks Henderson 

C.   T.    Bailey Raleigh 

6 — W.  T.  O'Brien Durham 

R.  D.  Douglas Breensboro 

6 — A.    H.    Slocomb Fayettevllle 

W.  M.  King. 
7— D.    M.    Kimbrough Mocksville 

John  P.   Cameron Rockingham 

8 — Clint  Wagoner    Slatesville 

C.  H.  Cowles Wilkesboro 

9— J.  Y.   Hamrick Shelby 

C.    B.    Mashburn Marshall 

.   8.   Lusk Asheville 

Thomas  Settle  Asheville 


I.    Q.   A.   Wood Elizabeth   City 

T.     G.     Stilley Washington 

S.   G.  Newsome. 
M.  F.  Thornton. 

C.  B.  Hill Newbern 

Charles  C.  Vann. 

J.   A.   Giles Pittsboro 

J.   J.    Reynolds. 
R.  J.   Petree. 

C.  D.   Turner Hillsboro 

Fred  Rice  Wilmington 

J.  B.  Holland Dunn 

A.   M.   Clarke Southern  Pines 

W.   S.   Bouges. 

Geo.   L.   Patterson Concord 

W.  S.  Miller Jefferson 

T.   F.   Roland Burnsville 

J.    J.    George Cherryville 

James  J.  Britt Asheville 

James  A.  Logan Asheville 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION. 


99 


Delegates. 


NORTH    DAKOTA. 


Alternates. 


AT   LARGE. 


H.   C.  Hansbrough Devils'   Lake 

P.  J.  McCumber Wahpeton 

Alexander  McKenzie Bismarck 

H.    M.    Wheeler Grand    Forks 

L.    B.    Hanna Fargo 

H.  Peoples New  Rockford 

B.  Prom   Milton 

V.  B.  Noble Bottineau 


J.    S.    Metcalf Lakota 

C.   F.   Wagner Rolla 

Alvin  Schmidt   Hillsboro 

Andrew  Sandager Lisbon 

A.   H.   Gray Valley   City 

S.  M.  Ferris Medora 

J.  F.  Mager Pembina 

P.  P.   Lee...  ..Minot 


OHIO. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Myron  T.  Herrick Cleveland        Chas.    H.    Grosvenor Athens 

George   B.    Cox Cincinnati        Warren  G.    Harding Marion 

Charles  Dick    Akron       John  B.   Clingerman Springfield 

Joseph  B.   Foraker Cincinnati       H.    T.    Eubanks Cleveland 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — August  Herrman    Cincinnati 

Julius    Fleischmann    Cincinnati 

2 — Louis  Schwab    Cincinnati 

Henry  W.  Hamman Cincinnati 

3 — J.  E.  Lowes Dayton 

Isaac  Hale   Middletown 

4 — E.   O.    Harrison Greenville 

W.   L.   Russell Lima 

5 — William    Kirtley,    Jr Defiance 

N.  E.  Ma  thews Ottawa 

6 — Geo.  W.  McMurchy.New  Richmond 

Frank  M.  Couden Morrow 

7— H.  M.  Daugherty  Washington  C.  H. 

Chas.    H.    May Circleville 

8 — W.   R.  Warnock Urbana 

Arthur  H.  Jones Delaware 

9— George    P.    Waldorf Toledo 

M.    L.    Case Bowling    Green 

10 — S.   L.   Patterson Waverly 

H.    A.    Marting Ironton 

11 — A.   I.  Vorys Lancaster 

J.    P.    Bradbury Pomeroy 

12 — E.  O.  Randall Columbus 

Chas.    B.    Burr Columbus 

13— J.   C.  F.  Hull Bucyrus 

Robert    Carey Upper    Sandusky 

14 — J.   F.   Laning Norwalk 

John  G.  Russell Mt.  Gilead 

15— W.  D.  Guilbert Caldwell 

James  Joyce   Cambridge 

16 — Henry  Gregg    Steubenville 

D.    O.    Rutan    Carrollton 

17 — M.   L.   Smyser Wooster 

S.  M.   Snyder  Coshocton 


R.  K.   Hynicka Cincinnati 

Louis  Kruckemeyer   Cincinnati 

Peter  W.   Durr Cincinnati 

Christian  Bardes   Cincinnati 

W.   B.  Marsh. 
James  L.  Sayler. 

David  Oldham Sidney 

Julius  Boesel  New  Bremen 

J.   D.   Hill Montpelier 

W.  C.  Lawrence Van  Wert 

H.   M.  Brown Hillsboro 

Walter  Ramley  Mt.  Orab 

M.   L.  Williams  Springfield 

J.    W.    Means..1 Troy 

Howard  D.   Manington Urbana 

H.    W.    Jewell    Delaware 

Chas.  L.  Allen Fayette 

Ellsworth  Dolph. 

Ira   A.    Sternberger Jackson 

C.  W.  Henkin Gallipolis 

Edward  D.  Ricketts Laurelville 

John  Ozier  McArthur 

Frank  R.  Shinn Columbus 

James   Miller Marble   Cliff 

Henry  Graef e   Sandusky 

J.  D.  Bemis Fremont 

A.   B.   Beaverstock Mansfield 

Prof.  Andrews   Ashland 

N.    H.    Barber Cambridge 

Chas.   S.  Dana Marietta 

G.  A.  Colpritts Barnesville 

J.   F.   McMath. 

H.  B.  Bertolette Shreve 

J.  J.  Rose Coshocton 


100  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

OHIO— Continued. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 

18 — J.    W.    McClymonds Massillon  W.  C.  Watson East  Liverpool 

J.  S.   McNutt Salem  John   Stanbaugh Toungstown 

19 — H.   T.    Sheldon Windham  W.   I.   Metcalf Chardon 

L.  E.  Sisler Akron  C.    M.   Wilkins Warren 

20— J.    B.    Zerbe Euclid  D.  C.  True Lakewood 

A.    T.    Spitzer Medina  George  Steele   Painesville 

21 — Theo.    E.    Burton Cleveland  Louis  Smithnight   Cleveland 

E.   Bayard    Cleveland  Joseph  Carabelli    Cleveland 

OREGON. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Chas.  H.   Carey Portland       H.  W.   Coe Portland 

H.    W.     Scott Portland       Geo.  F.  Heusner Portland 

W.    B.    Ayer Portland       Sig  Sichel  Portland 

Ira  B.  Smith Vale       H.   W.    Goode Portland 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — N.C.Richards Sumpter       E.    F.   Riley Portland 

J.  M.  Keene Medford       Leslie  Scott  Portland 

2— J.  U.  Campbell Oregon  City       W.    E.    Thomas Portland 

S.  J.  Kline Corvallis       C.  W.  Hodson Portland 

PENNSYLVANIA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT   LARGE. 

Samuel  W.  Pennypacker. .  .Harrisburg       O.  S.  Hershman Pittsburg 

James   Elverson Philadelphia       D.  H.  Thomas Hokendauqua 

Francis  L.   Robbins Pittsburg       Jesse  L.  Hartman Hollidaysburg 

O.  D.  Bleakley Franklin       Samuel  B.  Dick Meadville 

DISTRICTS. 

1 — Israel  W.   Durham Philadelphia  George  A.   Vare Philadelphia 

Henry  H.   Bingham. .  .Philadelphia  Wm.  J.  Milligan Philadelphia 

2 — Boise  Penrose  Philadelphia  James  L.  Miles Philadelphia 

David   H.    Lane Philadelphia  John  K.  Myers Philadelphia 

3 — John  C.   Bell Philadelphia  Joseph   H.    Klemmer Philadelphia 

David  Martin Philadelphia  Samuel  G.   Maloney Philadelphia 

4 — John   Weaver    Philadelphia  George  Steer,  Jr Philadelphia 

A.  Lincoln  Acker Philadelphia  Peter  E.  Smith Philadelphia 

5 — John  M.  Mack Torresdale  Peter  E.  Costello Philadelphia 

Horatio  B.  Hackett. .  .Philadelphia  John    B.    Lukens Philadelphia 

6— A.    S.   L.   Shields Philadelphia  E.  W.   Paton Philadelphia 

Frank  Caven  Philadelphia  Joseph  M.  Adams Philadelphia 

7 — Wm.  L.  Mathues Media  Fred   T.   Chandler Lansdowne 

P.  J.  Lynch West  Grove  Richard  Darlington West  Chester 

8 — Jonas  S.  Harley Quakertown  John  T.  Fish Fallsington 

J.  Elwood  Lee Conshohocken  Israel  H.  Supplee Bryn  Mawr 

9 — J.  Gust  Zook Lancaster  J.   F.   Mentzer Ephrata 

W.  W.  Grlest Lancaster  H.  8.  Stauffer Columbia 

10 — Reese  A.   Phillips Scranton  John   F.   Reynolds Carbondale 

W.  L.   Connell Scranton  Frank  Hummler  Scranton 

11— H.  W.  Palmer Wilkesbarre  W.   S.  Tompkins West  Pittston 

A.   C.  Leisenring Upper  Lehigh  L.   N.   Hammerling Wilkesbarre 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      101 


PENNSYLVANIA— Continued. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 


12 — George  R.  Patterson Ashland 

Heister  S.  Albright Orwigsburg 

13— A.  M.  High Reading 

Harry  C.  Trexler Allentown 

14 — E.  B.  Hardenbergh Honesdale 

C.  F.   Wright Susquehanna 

15 — A.   C.  Hopkins Lockhaven 

Robert  K.  Young Wellsboro 

16— E.  E.  White Mt.  Carmel 

James  Foster  Danville 

17 — David  McClay  Chambersburg 

Horace  E.  Shelby.. New  Bloomfield 
18— Chas.  H.  Mullin.Mt.  Holly  Springs 

G.  Dawson  Coleman Lebanon 

19 — A.  G.  Morris Tyrone 

Thos.  Edward  Murphy.  .Johnstown 
20 — James  A.  Dale York 

Solomon  D.  Mehring.  .  Llttlestown 
21 — Americus  H.  Woodward ..  Clearfield 

Wilbur  F.  Reeder Bellefonte 

22— Wm.  H.  Lusk Butler 

John  M.  Jamison Greenburg 

23 — Frank  M.  Fuller Uniontown 

Thos.  S.  Crago Waynesburg 

24— M.  S.  Quay Beaver 

George  W.  Johnson New  Castle 

25 — Clark  Olds  Erie 

John  J.  Carter Titusville 

26— Frank  Reeder Easton 

A.  R.  Brittain...East  Stroudsburg 
27 — N.  E.  Graham East  Brady 

M.  C.  Watson Indiana 

28 — W.  E.  Rice Warren 

Alexander  McDowell Sharon 

29— Charles  F.  Kirschler Allegheny 

James  H.  Willock Sewickley 

30 — John  Dalzell  Braddock 

Samuel  Harden  Church.  .Pittsburg 
31— Wm.  Flinn  Pittsburg 

D.  L.    Gillespie Pittsburg 

32— John  A.  Bell Pittsburg 

George  T.  Oliver Pittsburg 


David  R.  James Shenandoah 

August  Knecht Pottsville 

Charles    W.    Potteiger Reading 

Alexander  N.  Ulrlch Catasauqua 

D.  W.  Sturdevant Laceyville 

M.   E.    Simmons Honesdale 

Elias  Deemer  Williamsport 

John  Ormerod   Coudersport 

Fred    P.    Vincent Laporte 

C.    M.    Clement Sunbury 

Robert   K.    Moore McAllisterville 

John  C.  Taylor Shade  Gap 

Frank  E.  Hollar Shippensburg 

Chas.  Z.  Weiss Avon 

John    G.    Anderson Tyrone 

Jesse   E.    Dale Patton 

Samuel    S.    Lewis    York 

Charles  E.  Deatrick Hunterstown 

James   P.    Coburn Bellefonte 

George  Paton  Bradford 

Porter  W.    Lowry Butler 

Harry   S.    Denny Ligonier 

Samuel    A.    Kendall Myersdale 

N.    B.    Critchfield Critchfleld 

J.  J.  Zimmerman Rochester 

J.  B.  Donaldson Washington 

Frank    L.    Bliss Corry 

A.  W.  McCoy Meadville 

Thos.  M.  Whilden Lansford 

W.   A.  H.   Mitchell Milford 

Ira  J.  Campbell Punxsutawney 

James  G.  Mitchell  Hamilton 

George  Lewis Oil  City 

Leon  Watson Kellettville 

George  A.  Chalfant Etna 

Robert  K.   Cochran Allegheny 

Thos.   W.    Patch Wilmerding 

R.    W.    Cummins Wilkinsburg 

Ernest  F.  Ruesch Pittsburg 

A.  M.  Barr Pittsburg 

John  F.  Cox Homestead 

George  F.  Murray Pittsburg 


RHODE  ISLAND. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Charles  Alexander Barrington       George  Batchelor Woonsocket 

H.    Martin    Brown Providence        Fred  W.  Allen Providence 

Frank   W.    Tillinghast Johnston       George  L.   Pierce Providence 

Alphonse   Gaulin,    Jr Woonsocket        J.    Fred   Gibson Providence 


102  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

RHODE  ISLAND— Continued. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — Samuel   L.    Peck Warren       John  J.   Watson,   Jr Jamestown 

Charles  H.   Child Providence       Nathan    M.    Wright Providence 

2— Albert  B.  Crafts Westerly       Henry  B.  Kane Narragansett 

Wm.  L.  Hodgman Warwick       M.  J.  E.  Legris Warwick 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

E.  H.  Deas Darlington       Robert  Smalls. 

John    G.    Capers Charleston       R.  R.   Tolbert. 

L.    W.    C.    Blalock Goldville       George   W.   Murray. 

W.  D.  Crum Charleston       Wm.  T.  Smith. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 — A.  P.  Prioleau Prioleau  P.  O.  Samuel  B.  Butler. 

Wm.   F.   Myers Walterboro  A.  Collins. 

2 — B.    J.    Dickerson Aiken       G.  G.  Butler Barnwell 

W.  S.  Dixson Barnwell       J.  M.  Jones Saluda 

3 — Ernest  F.  Cochran Anderson       R.  K.  Moon Pickens 

Joseph  W.    Tolbert Greenwood       J.    W.    Lee Abbeyville 

4 — A.   A.   Gates Greenville 

P.  S.  Suber Laurens 

5 — W.   E.   Boykin Camden       F.  R.  Massey Lancaster 

J.  C.  Atkinson Loweryville       John    F.    Jones Blacksburg 

6 — J.  R.  Levy Florence       P.   S.   Moseley Henry 

J.  A.  Baxter Georgetown       G.  W.  Johnson Marvin 

7 — A.    D.    Webster Orangeburg       M.J.Frederic Sumter 

J.   F.   Ensor ....Columbia       Green    Jackson Columbia 

SOUTH  DAKOTA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

R.  H.  Driscoll.  John  L.  Jolly. 

Q.   E.  Andrews.  A.   J.    Lockhart. 

A.   O.   Ringsrud.  E.  6.  Essenhuth. 

C.  E.  Warner.  T.  W.  Delicate. 

F.  H.  Davis.  Ira  S.  Blewett. 
N.  L,  Finch.  C.  W.  Lane. 
John  R.  Hughes.  Henry  C.  Smith. 
Henry  Goddard.  W.  S.  Hamilton. 

TENNESSEE. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

W.  J.  Brownlow Jonesboro       D.    C.    Shwab Hartranft 

H.  C.   Evans Chattanooga       William   Rule Knoxville 

F.  A.  Raht Tullahoma       John  W.  Grant Nashville 

L.  W.  Dutro Memphis       J.  T.  Settle Memphis 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — Dana  Harmon   Greenville       S.   H.    Gault Rogersville 

George  E.  Boren Bristol       W.  B.  Bachman Bluff  City 

2— N.  W.   Hale Knoxville       F.  W.  Galbraith Jefferson  City 

Harvey  M.  La  Follette.La  Follette        J.   E,    Casaidy Loudon 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       103 


TENNESSEE—  Contin  ued. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 


3 — F.  L.  Mansfield Athens 

H.  S.  Chamberlain. ..  .Chattanooga 
4 — B.  W.  Burford Lebanon 

John  E.  Oliver Cookeville 

6 — Robert  H.  Hayes Lewisburg 

Ernest  Caldwell  Shelbyville 

6 — J.  C.  Napier Nashville 

John  T.  Lattin Nashville 

7 — James  C.  Hickman Lynnville 

William  K.  Sheddan Columbia 

8 — T.  A.  Lancaster Lexington 

A.  A.  Watson Savannah 

9 — A.  A.  Hornsby Martin 

H.  E.  Austin Alamo 

10 — S.  B.  Anderson Memphis 

C.   H.   Trimble Memphis 


R.  M.  Copeland Benton 

Gus  Gate  Cleveland 

John  Hall   Wartburg 

A.    N.   Derossett Cumberland 

R.   H.  Davenport Woodbury 

J.    M.   Eakin Fayetteville 

S.   A.   Dabney Clarksville 

Joe  Stewart Dover 

J.    S.   Beasley Centerville 

D.    W.    Starnes Lawrenceburg 

J    Samuel   Johnson Huntingdon 

Abernathy  Terry Selmer 

Rives  Giles Brownsville 

F.  W.    E.   Flowers Rutherford 

Charles   Wilson Memphis 

John  W.  Boyd Mason 


TEXAS. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Cecil  A.  Lyon   Sherman        R.    A.    Hannay. 

R.    B.    Hawley -. Galveston       Thos.   Hall. 

C.   M.   Ferguson.  H.  G.  Goree. 

M.  M.  Rodgers.  David  Abner. 


DISTRICTS. 


1 — G.    M.    Guest Harris 

Will    E.    Singleton Jefferson 

2— J.    H.    Kurth Keltys 

B.  F.  Wallace. 

3— William  M.   McDonald Terrell 

R.    H.    Mitchell Tyler 

4 — C.   A.   Gray Bonham 

Frank  Johnson Sherman 

6— Ammon  S.  Wells Dallas 

J.   J.    Cypert Itasca 

6 — J.   Allen  Meyers Bryan 

G.  W.   Sledge Cameron 

7 — A.    J.    Rosenthal Galveston 

H.  L.   Price. 
8 — Max  Urwitz    Houston 

F.  S.  Benson Hempstead 

9— O.    S.    York Edna 

N.  I.  Henderson Galveston 

10 — Webster  Flanagan  Austin 

John  Cain  Brenham 

11 — Charles  A.  Boynton Waco 

Jesse  Washington  Morlin 

12— L.  M.  Barkley Fort  Worth 

C.  Dickson Cleburne 

13 — W.   S.   Simpson Bovine 

R.   S.  Houssells Childress 

14 — Edwin  H.   Terrell San  Antonio 

G.  N.    Harrison Brownwood 

15 — Eugene  Nolte   Saguin 

C.    G.   Brewster Laredo 

16 — James  G.  Lowdon Abilene 

James  A.  Smith El  Paso 


W.   T.   Hughes Clarksville 

R.   A.   Caldwell Newsom 

Fred    Deremus. 
J.  M.  Moore. 
J.    C.    Henderson. 
S.   W.   Younger. 

W.    S.    Smith Greenville 

Joe  Thompson   Denison 

R.    S.    Jenkins Dallas 

A.   M.  Morrison Ennis 

C.   J.    Hostrasser Hearns 

L.  K.  Waggoner Groesbeck 

C.  W.  Ellis. 
Waldow  Mathews. 

W.    C.    Rollins Prairie   View 

U.     W.     Allen '. Huntsville 

S.    C.   Autrey Hallettsville 

Theodore  Baughman  Victoria 

C.  H.  Turney Smithville 

John   Hickey Giddings 

A.   Wurts    Evant 

R.  E.  L.  Holland Temple 

C.    S.    Taylor Arlington 

C.  A.    Dickson Cleburne 

J.  L.  Hickson Gainesville 

J.  E.  Lutz Vernon 

Henry  Terrell San  Antonio 

George  G.   Cifford San  Antonio 

G.  W.    Smith Kingsbury 

Ed.  Hunt  Floresville 

Major   Smith    Haskell 

D.  G.  Hunt Eastland 


104  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

UTAH. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

James  H.  Anderson Salt  Lake  City       Mrs.  Jennie  B.  Nelson Ogden 

George  Sutherland Salt  Lake  City       E.  D.  Woolley Kanab 

Willard   F.    Snyder Salt  Lake  City       Frank  W.  Fishburn Brigham  City 

C.  B.  Loose Provo       George  Austin  Lehi 

L.  W.  Shurtliff Ogden       John  W.  Seeley Mt.  Pleasant 

H.   Bullen,  Jr Logan       W.   P.   Colthorpe Vernal 


VERMONT. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT   LARGE. 

-W.   P.   Dillingham Waterbury       H.    C.    Whitehill Waterbury 

W.  Seward  Webb Shelburne       Thomas  Mack  Vergennes 

Hiram   N.   Turner St.  Johnsbury       Harley   E.   Folsom Lyndonville 

Henry  S.  Bingham Bennington       Frank  L.  Greene St.  Albans 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — Heman  W.   Allen Burlington       Edward  S.  Fleury Isle  La  Motte 

James   F.    Manning Rutland       Roger  W.  Hulburd Hyde  Park 

2 — Charles    Downer Sharon       George  F.  Leland Springfield 

James  Fisk  Hooker Brattleboro       Frank  E.   Miles Newport 


VIRGINIA. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Park   Agnew Alexandria       J.    B.    Stovall Danville 

S.  Brown  Allen Staunton       A.  C.  Peachy Newport  News 

D.  Lawrence  Groner Norfolk       C.  N.  Keezle Harrisonburg 

Campbell  Slemp Big  Stone  Gap       Stuart   F.   Lindsey Bristol 

DISTRICTS. 

1 — C.  G.  Smithers Cape  Charles  R.  S.  Bristow. 

Josephus   Trader    Fittchetts  A.   S.   West. 

2 — G.    E.    Bowden Norfolk       A.  Aronheim Norfolk 

A.   H.   Martin Berkley       Fred.   Read Newport  News 

3 — Morgan  Treat   West  Point       M.  J.  Enright Sabot 

James   H.    Hayes Richmond       J.  R.  Pollard Richmond 

4 — Asa  Rogers Petersburg  George  Richardson. 

A.  W.  Harris Dinwiddie  John  W.   Smith. 

6 — John  R.  Brown Martlnsville  M.  O.  Cornett. 

S.  A.  Reynolds Vashti  John  B.  Anglin. 

6 — James  M.  McLaughlin.  .Lynchburg  R.    I.   Roop. 

W.  Lee  Brand Salem       Adolphus  Humbles Lynchburg 

7 — John  Acker   Edom  H.  L.  Lyman. 

Charles  T.  Holtzman Luray  A.   C.  Brown. 

8 — M.  K.   Lowry Brooke       Joseph  L,  Crupper Alexandria 

W.  H.  Eggborn Epgbornville       F.    M.   Brooks S wetnan 

9 — James  S.   Browning Pocahontas       John   Eckman Pulaski 

J.  D.  Honaker Rocky  Gap       M.  F.  Bowers Bristol 

10 — J.    H.    Buhrman Gale       R.  A.  Fulwiler Staunton 

William  H.  Goodwin..           ..Avon  H.  L.  Garrett. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      105 

WASHINGTON. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Charles   M.   Sweeney Spokane  George  B.  Kandle Tacoma 

James  M.  Ashton Tacoma  F.   C.    Harper Seattle 

John  G.  Lewis Montesano  C.   F.   Miller Dayton 

George  Donald North  Takima  Alonzo    S.    Taylor Everett 

A.   B.    Eastham Vancouver  E.  G.  Ames Port  Ludlow 

Chas.   E.   Brigham Mt.   Vernon  J.  R.  Welty Chehalis 

Levl  Ankeny Walla  Walla  Philip  Hilltz  Olympia 

Erastus  Brainard Seattle  Geo.   W.    Dilling Seattle 

W.   A.   Pruder Colfax  J.  M.  Hart Seattle 

John  S.   McMillan Roche  Harbor  R,  F.  Johnson Seattle 

A.  W.  Perley. 

WEST  VIRGINIA 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

A.  L.  Mallory Parkersburg       Byrd   Phillerman Charleston 

A.  N.  Pr ichard Manington       R.    L.    Gordon Fayetteville 

J.  L.  Caldwell Huntington       S.   W.   Willey Hinton 

George  W.  Atkinson Charleston       S.   M.   Steele Moundsville 

DISTRICTS. 

1— John  Bodley Wheeling  S.  C.  Gist Wellsburg 

Virgil  L.   Highland Clarksburg  Chas.  B.  Goodwin Weston 

2 — F.  S.  Landstreet Davis  O.  A.  Hood Keyser 

Charles  Lamar   Martinsburg  Neil    J.    Fortney Kingwood 

3 — Enoch  Carver   Charleston  Phil    Waters    Charleston 

Samuel  Dixon Macdonald  S.    C.    Dice Lewisburg 

4 — C.    H.    Shattuck Parkersburg  G.  B.  Gibbens Parkersburg 

W.  L.  Armstrong Sistersville  Porter  Stout  West  Union 

5 — G.  W.  Atkinson Bluefleld  C.  V.  White   Logan 

T.  E.  Houston Welch  Chas.  M.  Buck Huntington 

WISCONSIN. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

John  C.   Spooner.  M.  G.  Jeffris. 

J.   V.   Quarles.  D.   E.  Riordan. 

J.    W.    Babcock.  Richard   Meyer,    Jr. 

Emil  Baensch.  John  M.   Kehler. 

DISTRICTS. 
1 — Ogden    H.    Fethers Janesville       Dwight    B.    Barnes Delavan 

George  A.   Yule Kenosha       Nathaniel  B.  Treat Monroe 

2 — W.  D.  Hoard Ft.  Atkinson       W.  E.  Moore Doylestown 

Frank  Hall   Madison       G.  W.  Bingham Friendship 

3 — John  G.   Clark Lancaster       John  Knight Mineral  Point 

R.    P.    Perry Reedsburg       W.  R.  Graves Prairie  du  Chien 

4— C.  F.   Pfister Milwaukee       J.  E.  Wildish Milwaukee 

E.  L.  Phillips Milwaukee       F.   C.   Winkler Milwaukee 

5 — A.   W.   James Waukesha       Curtis  Schafer Oconomowoc 

W.  I.  Greene Milwaukee       Henry  Hinkamp  Milwaukee 

6 — G.  A.  Knapp Fond  du  Lac  W.  E.   Talmadge. 

Samuel  S.  Barney West  Bend  D.  B.  Doty. 


106  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

WISCONSIN— Continued. 

Delegates.  Alternates. 

DISTRICTS. 

7— W.   T.    Sarles.  Geo.    B.   Parker. 

E.    J.    Foster.  John   O.   Melby. 

8 — Wm.  Rahr    Manitowoc  J.    G.    Griem Chilton 

G.    A.   Whiting Neenah  W.  B.  Angelo Wautoma 

9 — Frank   S.    Bradford Appleton  William    Larson Green   Bay 

H.  P.  Bird Wausaukee  George  Washburn Sturgeon  Bay 

10 — J.    W.    Cochran Ashland  M.   J.    Walrieh Shawano 

L.  N.   Anson Merrill  J.   W.   Malloy. 

11 — A.  W.   McLeod Washburn  J.   C.   Saxton Clear  Lake 

D.  C.  Coolidge Downing  B.  J.  Price Hudson 

WYOMING. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

F.  E.  Warren Cheyenne  E.  W.    Stone Cheyenne 

C.    D.    Clark Evanston  F.  H.   Smith Lander 

Frank  W.  Mondell New  Castle  Melvin  Nichols Sundance 

James  E.   Cosgriff Rawlins  C.   H.   King Casper 

N.  K.  Boswell Laramie  E.  W.  Burke Evanston 

J.   G.    Oliver Buffalo  Thos.   G.    Smith Buffalo 

ALASKA. 
Delegates.       ,  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

John  G.  Held Juneau  G.  M.   Irwin Juneau 

Oscar  Foote    Juneau  John  W.  Steadman Ketchikan 

C.  S.  Johnson Nome  Albert  Fink   Nome 

W.    T.    Perkins Nome  G.  B.   Baldwin Council  City 

W.  D.  Grant Wrangel  P.   C.    McCormick Wrangel 

J.  W.  Ivey Kyack  Frank  J.   Kinghorn Valdez 

ARIZONA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Alex.     O.    Brodie Phoenix  J.  S.  Van  Gorder Morencl 

W.   H.   Brophy Bisbee  John  T.   Hogue St.  Johns 

Jos.  H.  Kibbey Phoenix  E.  W.  Childs Mammoth 

H.   B.   Tenney Tucson  Ben  Daniels    Nogales 

J.  X.  Woods Winslow  W.  S.  Head Camp  Verde 

Frank   L.    Wright Prescott  J.  W.  Dorrington Tuma 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Robert  Reyburn    Washington       E.  G.  Wescott Washington 

John  F.  Cook Washington       James  L.   Turner Washington 

"HAWAII. 

Delegates.  AT  LARGE.                Alternates. 

George  R.  Carter.  Stephen  L.  Desha. 

Jonah  K.  Kalanianaoli.  Robert  W.   Breckons. 

Wm.  H.   Hoogs.  J.   K.  Nahale. 

Alex.  G.  M.  Robertson.  Lincoln  L.  McCandless. 

Wm.  T.  Robinson.  C.   H.   Dickey. 

Eric  A.   Knudsen.  H.  H.  Brodie. 

*  Six  delegates  for  this  convention  only. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      107 

INDIAN  TERRITORY. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

P.   L.   Soper Vinlta  D.   H.    Shawnee Wewoka 

W.   H.   Darrough Vinita  E,    L..    Cookson Cookson 

C.  W.   Raymond Muskogee  J.  A.  Roper Okmulgee 

V.   M.   Locke,  Jr Hamden  Wm.    Busby South  McAlester 

Eugene  E.  Morris Ryan  J.  H.  Leatherman Pauls  Valley 

George  W.  Bigham Miami  Wm.   Mayse Peoria 

NEW  MEXICO. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Miguel  A.   Otero.  W.  H.  Greer. 

W.  G.   Sargent.  Geo.   W.  Armigo. 

W.   E.   Dame.  Clark  M.  Carr. 

D.  J.    Leahy.  J.    Van   Houten. 
W.  H.  H.  Llewellyn.  W.  H.  Newcomb. 
H.  O.  Burson.  H.  J.  Hagerman. 

OKLAHOMA. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

John    H.   Cotteral Guthrie       J   B.Dudley Norman 

"W.   D.    Fossett Guthrie        O.   K.    Benedict Hobart 

R.    A.    Lowry Stillwater       Geo.   Carr   Stone 

W.    C.    Tetirick Blackwell       J.  L.  Hoover Elk  City 

Seymour  Foose   Watonga       O.   P.  Elliott Mangum 

A.  H.   Jackson ..El  Reno       E.  N.  Yates Pawhuska 

PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 

Delegates.  AT  LARGE.            Alternates. 

John  T.  McDonough.  John  S.  Leech. 

Charles  A.  Willard.  D.  W.  Smith. 

Grant   T.    Trent.  J.  L.  Pierce. 

John  S.  Stanley.  T.  C.  Riser. 

J.  M.  Switzer.  W.  W.   Leurs. 

E.  L.    McCullough.  M.  W.  Creach. 

PORTO    RICO. 
Delegates.  Alternates. 

AT  LARGE. 

Jose  Gomez  Brioso.  Santiago  Veve. 

R.  H.  Todd.  Pedro  J.  Besosa. 

LOUISIANA    PURCHASE   EXPOSITION. 

Mr.  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW,  of  New  York. — On  behalf  of  the  committee 
appointed  in  reference  to  the  invitation  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition, 
I  submit  the  report  which  I  send  to  the  desk. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  report  submitted  by  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

The  committee  to  whom  was  referred  the  invitation  of  the  Louisiana 
Purchase  Exposition  to  delegates  and  alternates  and  members  of  the  press 
to  visit  the  Exposition,  respectfully  reports  that  no  formal  action  by  the 


108  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

convention  is  necessary  in  the  premises,  the  invitation  having  been  extended 
to  delegates,  alternates  and  members  of  the  press. 

For  the  information  of  those  accepting  the  invitation,  the  committee  has 
ascertained  and  reports  the  following: 

The  Chicago  &  Alton,  the  Illinois  Central  and  the  Wabash  Railroads 
tender  the  courtesies  of  special  trains  from  Chicago  to  the  Union  Station  at 
St.  Louis,  carrying  delegates  and  alternates  of  the  Republican  National  Con- 
vention and  representatives  of  the  press  attending. 

These  trains  will  leave  at  9  o'clock  Thursday  night,  and  arrive  in  St. 
Louis  at  6  o'clock  Friday  morning.  The  cars  direct  to  the  World's  Fair 
Grounds  can  be  taken  at  the  Union  Station,  St.  Louis. 

The  Chairman  or  Secretary  of  each  delegation  is  requested  to  report 
Thursday  morning,  the  names  of  those  delegates  and  alternates  who  desire 
transportation,  in  accordance  with  the  following  assignment : 

Illinois  Central — H.  J.  Phelps,  City  Passenger  and  Ticket  Agent,  99 
Adams  street :  Alabama,  California,  Florida,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  Louisiana, 
Massachusetts,  Mississippi,  Montana,  New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey,  North 
Carolina,  Oregon,  Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee. 

Chicago  &  Alton — R.  Somerville,  General  Agent,  101  Adams  street : 
Colorado,  Connecticut,  Idaho,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Michigan,  Missouri,  North  Da- 
kota, Pennsylvania,  Texas,  Virginia,  Washington,  West  Virginia,  Wyoming. 

Wabash  Railway — H.  Keeran,  City  Passenger  and  Ticket  Agent,  97 
Adams  street :  Arkansas,  Delaware,  Georgia,  Indiana,  Maine,  Maryland. 
Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Nevada,  New  York,  Ohio,  South  Dakota,  Utah,  Ver- 
mont, Wisconsin. 

Sleeping-car  accommodations  can  be  purchased  at  the  respective  ticket 
offices  up  to  6  p.  m.  Thursday,  and  after  that  at  the  respective  stations.  Re- 
clining-chair  cars  will  be  furnished  to  those  not  desiring  to  purchase  berths. 

Delegates  and  alternates  will  be  identified  at  the  station  by  the  respective 
Chairman  or  Secretary  of  the  delegation  immediately  previous  to  departure 
of  special  trains,  and  transportation  to  St.  Louis  will  be  furnished  those  who 
have  not  such  transportation. 

Those  finding  it  necessary  to  return  to  Chicago  from  St.  Louis,  in  order 
to  use  their  transportation  to  their  homes,  will  be  provided  such  transporta- 
tion to  Chicago  on  application  to  C.  L.  Hilleary,  Traffic  Manager  of  the  Ex- 
position, office :  Administration  Building,  World's  Fair  Grounds. 

Members  of  the  press,  credited  to  the  Press  Section  of  the  Convention, 
will  be  furnished  transportation  on  presentation  of  their  credentials  to  Rob- 
ert Sommerville  General  Agent,  Chicago  &  Alton  Railway,  101  Adams 
street. 

Delegates,  alternates  and  members  of  the  press  requiring  further  infor- 
mation, are  requested  to  call  at  the  Missouri  Headquarters,  Auditorium 
Hotel. 

Admission  to  World's  Fair  Grounds  will  be  furnished  on  arrival  of  trains 
at  St.  Louis. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  report  of  the  committee  will  be  placed 
on  file. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      109 


GENERAL  PETER  JOSEPH  OSTERHAUS. 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  a  note  informing 
me  that  General  Osterhaus  is  at  the  main  entrance  to  the  convention  hall, 
and  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  attend  this  session  of  the  convention. 

I  need  not  tell  the  convention  who  General  Osterhaus  is,  for  all  know 
that  he  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished,  gallant  and  heroic  German  sol- 
diers of  the  Union  Army  during  the  Civil  War.  (Applause.) 

On  one  occasion  when  General  Sherman  directed  him  to  make  a  move- 
ment with  his  division  for  the  purpose  of  dislodging  the  enemy,  he  made 
himself  famous  by  answering  and  making  good  his  answer,  "I  will  undertake 
the  execution  of  your  order,  and  if  I  find  the  enemy  I  will  make  him  hell- 
smell."  (Laughter.)  Since  the  war  General  Osterhaus  has  resided  abroad. 
He  is  now  about  eighty  years  of  age,  but  his  love  of  this  country  is  as  strong 
as  ever.  I  move  that  he  be  invited  to  a  seat  on  the  stage. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  motion 
of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  that  General  Osterhaus  be  invited  to  a  seat  on 
the  platform. 

The  motion  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  will  appoint  Senator  Foraker, 
of  Ohio,  and  General  Bingham,  of  Pennsylvania,  a  committee  to  escort  Gen- 
eral Osterhaus  to  the  platform. 

General  Osterhaus  was  escorted  to  the  platform  by  the  committee  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  I  have  the 
honor  and  the  pleasure  to  present  to  you  Major  General  Osterhaus,  Corps 
Commander  of  Sherman.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  PETER  J.  OSTERHAUS. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  allow  me  to 
thank  you  most  heartily  for  the  honor  conferred  upon  me  in  giving  me 
permission  to  appear  before  you.  Having  voted  for  Abraham  Lincoln  in 
1860  and  again  in  1864,  at  the  moment  when  Sherman's  Army  was  prepar- 
ing for  the  march  to  the  sea,  I  can  have  no  other  wish  than  the  greatest  suc- 
cess of  your  assembly,  and  the  continuance,  as  the  result  of  your  nomina- 
tion, of  that  eminent,  able  and  righteous  course  which  the  present  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  has  pursued.  (Applause.) 

REPORT    OF    COMMITTEE    ON    PERMANENT    ORGANIZATION. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  business  in  order  is  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization.  Is  the  committee  ready  to 
report  ? 

Mr.  WILLIAM  M.  JOHNSON,  of  New  Jersey. — On  behalf  of  the  Committee 
on  Permanent  Organization,  I  have  the  honor  to  present  the  following  re- 
port: 


110  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

REPORT    OF    COMMITTEE    ON    PERMANENT    ORGANIZATION. 

To  the   HON.   ELIHU  ROOT,  Temporary  Chairman : 

The  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization  begs  leave  to  report  the  fol- 
lowing, for  the  permanent  officers  of  the  convention : 

Permanent  Chairman,  Hon.  Joseph  G.  Cannon,  Illinois,  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives. 

General   Secretary,  Colonel  Charles  W.  Johnson,   Minnesota. 
Chief  Assistant  Secretary,  John  R.  Malloy,  Ohio. 
Assistant  Secretaries,  James  G.  Cannon,  New  York. 

Thomas   F.   Clifford,   New  Hampshire. 
Lucien   Grey,   Illinois. 
Willet  M.  Spooner,  Wisconsin. 
T.   Larry  Eyre,    Pennsylvania. 
J.  T.  Wilson,  Kentucky. 
Rome  C.  Stephenson,  Indiana. 
John  H.  King,   South  Dakota, 
T.   St.  John  Gaffney,  New  York. 
Walter  S.  Melick,  California. 
Edgar  O.   Silver,   Vermont. 
Frank  D.  Waterman,  New  York. 
George  W.  Armstrong,  Minnesota. 
James  H.  Paddock,  Illinois. 
Franklin  Murphy,  Jr.,  New  Jersey. 
Edward  C.  Simms,  Illinois. 
Reading  Clerks,  W.  H.  Harrison,  Nebraska. 

Dennis  E.  Alward,  Michigan. 
E.  L.  Lampson,  Ohio. 
T.  W.  B.  Duckwall,  West  Virginia. 
Clerk  at   President's   Desk,    Asher    C.    Hinds,    Maine. 
Official  Reporter,  Milton  W.  Blumenberg,  Illinois. 
Tally  Clerks,  Fred  B.  Whitney,  Illinois. 
John  W.  Dixon,  Nebraska, 
Lucien  Swift,  Jr.,  Minnesota. 

Messenger  to  Secretary,  Henry  F.  Daniels,  Wisconsin. 
Messenger  to  Chairman,  Curley  Brewer,  Indiana. 
Sergeant-at-Arms,  William  F.  Stone,  Maryland. 
First  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms,  David  C.  Owen,  Wisconsin. 
Second  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms,  Chas.  H.  Henning,  West  Virginia. 
Third  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms,   Eugene  F.    Cummings,    Indiana. 
Fourth  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms,  T.  H.  Matters,  Nebraska. 
Fifth  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms,   Albert  Ferguson,  New  York. 
Chief  Doorkeeper,  C.  S.  Montell,  Maryland. 
Chief  Clerk,  L.  G.  Hechinger,  Maryland. 

We  also  recommend  as  honorary  Vice-Presidents  for  each  State,  the  follow- 
ing, as  selected  by  the  delegations  thereof: 

Alabama J.  W.  HUGHES 

Arkansas CHAS.    W.    RDX 

California E.    D.    ROBERTS 

Colorado JAMES  H.  PEABODY 

Connecticut DONALD  T.  WARNER 

Delaware JOHN    HUNN 

Florida WALTER  G.   ROBINSON 

Georgia J.   S.   GANETT 

Idaho C.   J.   HALL 

Illinois...  ...CHARLES  H.   DEERE 


HON.   JOSEPH    G.   CANNON,  of   Illinois. 
Who  was    Permanent  Chairman   of  the   Convention. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      Ill 

Indiana ISAAC  STRAUSS 

Iowa A.  B.  CUMMINS 

Kansas J.  H.  RICHARDS 

Kentucky HENRY  L.  STONE 

Louisiana B.  V.  BARANCO 

Maine ALBERT  A.  BURLEIGH 

Maryland STEVENSON  A.  WILLIAMS 

Massachusetts JOHN  D.  LONG 

Michigan DEXTER  M.  FERRY 

Minnesota C.  A.  SMITH 

Mississippi F.  W.  COLLINS 

Missouri WILLIAM  WARNER 

Montana LEE  MANTLE 

Nebraska FRANK  E.  HELVEY 

Nevada R.  S.  MEACHAM 

New  Hampshire BERTRAM  ELLIS 

New  Jersey DAVID  BAIRD 

New  York JOHN  RAINES 

North  Carolina T.  S.  ROLLINS 

North  Dakota L.  D.  HANNA 

Ohio J.  E.  LOWES 

Oregon C.  W.  HODSON 

Pennsylvania W.  M.  GRIEST 

Rhode  Island CHARLES  H.  CHILD 

South  Carolina L.  W.  C.  BLALOCK 

South  Dakota J.  R.  HUGHES 

Tennessee N.  W.  HALE 

Texas WEBSTER  FLANNAGAN 

Utah HERSCHEL  BULLER,  JR. 

Vermont HIRAM  N.  TURNER 

Virginia JOHN  ACKER 

Washington GEORGE  DONALD 

West  Virginia C.  H.  SHATTUCK 

Wisconsin EMIL  BAENSCH 

Wyoming N.  K.  BOSWELL 

District  of  Columbia JOHN  F.  COOK 

Alaska W.  D.  GRANT 

Arizona W.  H.  BROPHY 

Indian  Territory WILLIAM  M.  MELLETTE 

New  Mexico FRANK  A.  HUBBELL 

Oklahoma JOHN  H.  COTTERAL 

Hawaii W.  H.  HOOGS 

Philippines J.  S.  STANLEY 

Porto  Rico JOSE  GOMEZ  BRIOSO 

Respectfully  submitted  this  22d  day  of  June,   1904. 

G.  R.  CARTER,  Secretary.          WILLIAM  M.  JOHNSON,  Chairman. 

I   move  the  adoption  of  the  report. 

Mr.  SHELBY  M.  CULLOM,  of  Illinois. — I  take  great  pleasure,  sir,  in  second- 
ing the  motion  of  the  gentleman  from  New  Jersey,  who  submitted  the  report, 
that  it  be  now  adopted. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  you  have 
heard  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization.  The  question 
is  on  agreeing  to  the  report. 

The  report  was  agreed  to. 


112  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

COMMITTEE   TO    ESCORT   THE   PERMANENT   CHAIRMAN. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  appoints  the  Hon.  John  D.  Long, 
of  Massachusetts ;  the  Hon.  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  of  Illinois,  and  the  Hon. 
Theodore  E.  Burton,  of  Ohio,  a  committee  to  escort  the  Permanent  Chairman 
to  the  platform. 

The  committee  appointed  by  the  Temporary  Chairman  escorted  Mr.  Jo- 
seph G.  Cannon,  of  Illinois,  to  the  platform. 

The  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  I  present  to 
you  as  your  Permanent  Chairman,  the  man  who  holds  the  gavel  of  the  great 
popular  legislative  body  of  America  with  a  grip  so  firm,  directs  it  with  a 
brain  so  clear  and  a  heart  so  sound  and  fair  that  he  will  wield  it  for  many 
and  many  a  year  to  come.  (Applause.) 

ADDRESS  OF  THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (Mr.  Joseph  G.  Cannon,  of  Illinois). — Gen- 
tlemen of  the  convention,  for  the  first  time  in  my  life  I  put  in  black  and 
white  to  say  to  you  enough  sentences  to  contain  twenty-five  hundred  words. 
I  have  tried  to  memorize  it  (laughter),  but  I  cannot.  I  have  given  it  out 
through  the  usual  channels  to  the  great  audience,  and  now  I  must  either  beg 
to  be  excused  entirely  or  I  must  do  like  we  do  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives under  the  five-minute  rule, — make  a  few  feeble  remarks.  (Cries 
of  "Go  on!")  But  that  no  man  shall  say  that  I  have  not  made  a  great 
speech,  I  will  say  that  from  beginning  to  end  I  heartily  endorse  every  state- 
ment of  fact  and  every  sentiment  given  you  yesterday  by  the  Temporary 
Presiding  Officer  in  the  greatest  speech  I  ever  heard  delivered  at  a  conven- 
tion. (Applause.) 

Now  let  me  go  on  and  ramble  (laughter).  And  first  it  is  said  that  there 
is  no  enthusiasm  in  this  convention.  Gentlemen,  the  great  river  which  has 
its  thirty  feet  of  water,  rising  in  the  mountains  and  growing  in  depth  and 
breadth  as  it  flows  down  to  the  ocean,  bears  upon  its  bosom  the  commerce 
of  that  section  of  the  land  which  it  drains ;  and  it  bears  it  out  to  the  world. 
It  is  a  silent  river,  and  yet  the  brawling  river  that  is  like  unto  the  River 
Platte  out  in  Nebraska,  which  is  fourteen  miles  wide  and  four  inches  deep, 
can  make  more  noise  than  all  the  rivers  in  the  world.  (Applause.) 

Enthusiasm!  When  we  were  young  folks,  twenty  years  ago  (laughter), 
and  went  to  see  our  best  girl,  one  of  us  was  awfully  enthusiastic  if  she 
would  give  us  the  glance  of  the  eye,  the  nod  of  the  head,  or  the  "trip-away- 
catch  me  if  you  can"  (laughter),  to  enter  upon  the  chase.  That  was  awfully 
strenuous  and  awfully  enthusiastic.  (Laughter.)  But,  when  she  said  "yes," 
then  good  relations  were  established,  and  we  went  on  evenly  throughout 
the  balance  of  our  lives.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

It  is  a  contest  which  makes  enthusiasm.  In  1904,  as  in  1900,  everybody 
has  known  for  twelve  months  past  who  is  to  be  our  standard-bearer  in 
this  campaign.  (Applause.)  We  are  ready  for  business.  (Laughter.)  I 
wonder  if  our  friends,  the  enemy,  would  not  be  glad  of  a  little  of  our  kind 
of  enthusiasm.  (Applause.) 


HON.    WILLIAM    F.   STONE,    of   Maryland, 
Sergeant-at-Arms  of  the   Convention  and  of  the   National   Committee. 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       113 

I  might  illustrate  it  further,  although  I  do  not  know  that  it  is  necessary. 
I  see  before  me  some  of  my  farmer  friends — my  colleague,  Col.  Lowden,  and 
various  others— as  well  as  some  New  York  agriculturists.  (Laughter.) 
Now  there  is  not  one  of  you  who  raises  chickens  as  I  do  who  does  not  under- 
stand that  when  the  hen  comes  off  the  nest  with  one  chicken,  she  does  more 
scratching  and  makes  more  noise  than  the  motherly  hen  which  is  blessed 
with  twenty-three.  (Laughter.)  Our  friends,  the  enemy,  will  have  the 
enthusiasm;  we  will  take  the  votes  in  November.  (Applause.) 

Let  us  be  serious  for  a  moment.  Ours  is  a  government  through  parties 
and  through  organizations.  You  once  in  a  while  find  people  who  do  not 
want  any  parties.  But  so  long  as  you  have  eighty  million  people  compe- 
tent for  self-government,  they  will  organize  and  will  call  the  organization 
a  party. 

The  Republican  party,  born  of  the  declaration  that  slavery  is  sectional 
and  freedom  national  (applause),  achieved  its  first  success  in  1860  with 
Abraham  Lincoln.  (Applause.)  Then  followed  secession;  the  war  for  the 
Union.  You  older  men  recollect  it  well.  We  have  one  of  the  survivors 
here,  and  I  was  glad  to  see  this  body  give  him  the  courtesies  of  the  con- 
vention. He  helped  to  make  it  possible  for  us  to  have  this  convention.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Forty-four  years  ago  just  about  now;  today,  1904.  What  a  contrast!  A 
divided  country ;  a  bankrupt  treasury ;  no  credit.  The  Republican  party  had 
power,  and  under  its  great  leadership  wrote  revenue  legislation  upon  the 
statute  books.  It  went  back  to  the  principles  of  Washington  and  Hamilton,  and 
wrote  legislation  that  would  yield  revenue,  fixing  duties  upon  imports  which 
were  so  adjusted  as  to  encourage  every  American  citizen  to  take  part  in  the 
diversification  of  the  industries  and  the  development  of  the  resources  of  the 
country. 

Will  you  bear  with  me  for  five  minutes  while  I  make  a  comparison  of 
the  facts  then  with  the  condition  today?  In  1860  we  had  been  substantially 
dominated  for  many  years  by  the  free  trade  party.  We  were  insignificant 
in  manufactures,  great  in  agriculture.  Under  our  policy,  which,  with  the 
exception  of  four  years,  has  been  followed  from  that  time  to  this,  the  United 
States  remains  first  in  agriculture,  but  by  leaps  and  bounds  it  has  diversi- 
fied and  increased  its  industrial  enterprises,  until  today  we  are  the  greatest 
manufacturing  country  on  God's  foot-stool.  (Applause.)  Today  one-third 
of  all  the  world's  products  that  come  from  the  factory  are  made  in  the 
United  States,  by  the  operation  and  co-operation  of  American  capital  and 
American  labor  and  skill.  (Applause.) 

Let  me  make  one  other  statement.  Our  manufactured  product  every 
year  is  greater  than  the  entire  combined  manufactured  product  of  Great 
Britain,  of  Germany  and  of  France.  Where  do  we  get  the  market  for  it? 
Ninety-seven  per  cent  of  this  great  product,  which  constitutes  one-third  of 
the  world's  product,  finds  a  market  amongst  ourselves  in  the  United  States. 
And  yet,  of  this  manufactured  product  we  last  year  sold  to  foreign  countries 
over  $400,000,000  worth,  twenty-nine  per  cent  of  our  total  exports;  and  our 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

total  exports  made  and  make  us  the  greatest  exporting  nation  on  earth. 
(Applause.) 

Made  by  labor?  Yes.  Made  by  labor  that  works  less  hours  than  any 
other  labor  on  earth.  Made  by  labor  that,  conservatively  stated,  receives  one 
dollar  and  three-quarters  as  against  the  average  for  the  competitive  labor 
in  the  world  of  one  dollar.  (Applause.) 

Gentlemen,  a  few  rich  men  do  not  make  markets.  Nay,  nay.  It  is  the 
multiplied  millions  on  farm,  in  mine  and  in  factory,  that  work  today  and 
consume  tomorrow,  who  with  steady  employment  and  good  wage,  give  us, 
with  eighty  millions  of  people,  a  market  equal  to  two  hundred  millions  of 
consuming  people  anywhere  else  on  earth.  The  farmer  buys  the  artisan's 
product.  The  artisan,  being  employed,  buys  the  farmer's  product.  The 
wheels  go  round.  You  cannot  strike  one  great  branch  of  labor  in  the 
Republic  without  the  blow  reacting  on  all  producers. 

Are  you  satisfied  with  the  comparison  from  the  manufacturing  stand- 
point? If  not,  let  me  give  you  another  illustration  which  perhaps  will  go 
home  to  the  minds  of  men  more  quickly  than  the  illustration  I  have  given. 

Take  the  Postoffice  Department,  which  reaches  all  of  the  people  and 
for  the  support  of  which  no  man  is  taxed  a  penny.  It  is  voluntary  taxation. 
In  the  year  ended  March,  1861,  the  year  Lincoln  came  into  power,  the  total 
revenues  of  the  Postoffice  Department  in  all  the  United  States  were  eight 
and  a  half  million  dollars.  Keep  that  in  your  minds — eight  and  a  half  mil- 
lion dollars.  How  much  do  you  suppose  it  cost  to  run  the  service?  Nine- 
teen million !  It  took  all  the  revenue  and  as  much  more,  and  nearly  one- 
quarter  as  much  more  from  the  Treasury  to  pay  for  that  postal  service. 
Gentlemen,  the  city  postoffice  of  Chicago  last  year  collected  more  revenues 
by  almost  one  million  of  dollars  than  was  collected  by  the  whole  depart- 
ment of  the  United  States  in  1860.  (Applause.) 

How  is  it  now?  We  have  on  the  average  reduced  postage  over  one- 
half  since  1860.  Last  year  the  postal  revenues  were  $134,000,000  as  against 
eight  and  a  half  millions  in  1860.  Keep  that  in  your  minds — $134,000,000. 
And  the  whole  service  cost  only  $138,000,000.  We  had  a  deficit  of  four  mil- 
lion— three  per  cent — and  we  would  not  have  had  that  deficit  had  it  not  been 
that  the  Republican  party,  looking  out  for  the  welfare  of  all  the  people  and 
conducting  the  government  from  a  business  standpoint,  under  the  lead  of 
McKinley,  followed  by  Roosevelt,  established  rural  free  delivery  which  cost 
$10,000,000.  (Applause.)  Great  Heavens!  The  Republican  party  as  it 
has  done  from  1860  until  this  moment,  moves  forward  and  does  what  good 
common  business  sense  dictates,  and  the  country  grows  to  it.  I  will  now 
drop  that  department. 

The  Republican  party  is  a  national  party  and  believes  in  the  further 
diversification  of  our  industries  and  in  the  protection  of  American  capital 
and  American  labor  as  against  cheaper  labor  elsewhere  on  earth.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

What  do  the  other  people  believe  in?  For  sixty  years  went  out  the  cry, 
"free  trade  throughout  the  world,  and  free  ships  upon  the  sea."  On  other 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      115 

occasions,  "a  tariff  for  revenue  only."  First  one  and  then  the  other.  It 
has  always  denounced  as  robbery  the  Republican  policy  of  protection,  and 
whenever  clothed  with  power,  whatever  its  pretences,  it  has  thrust  the  dag- 
ger into  the  very  heart  of  protection. 

Are  they  not  going  to  change?  Let  us  see.  Just  before  the  close  of 
the  last  session  of  Congress,  New  York's  eloquent  son,  Bourke  Cochran. 
a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  got  the  floor  and  preached  an 
old-fashioned  Democratic  sermon — free  trade  and  all  that  kind  of  thing — 
and  he  did  it  well ;  and  there  came  from  the  minority  side  of  that  House, 
without  exception,  such  cheering  and  crying  and  hurrahing  and  applauding 
as  I  never  witnessed  before  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  because  at 
last  they  had  the  pure  Democratic  faith  delivered  to  them.  (Laughter.) 

They  were  all  winter  trying,  under  the  lead  of  Gorman  in  the  Senate 
and  Williams  in  the  House,  to  draw  together  people  from  Nebraska  and 
New  England  and  New  York  and  the  South  and  the  rest  of  the  country, 
and  to  impress  them  with  the  notion  that  the  Democracy  should  be  given 
power  in  this  country.  They  were  trying  to  give  the  country  Dovers  pow- 
ders. 

"Oh,"  said  my  distinguished  colleague  in  the  House,  the  minority  leader, 
following  the  astute  Senator  Gorman,  "if  we  come  into  power,  while  pro- 
tection is  robbery,  and  while  we  will  journey  in  the  direction  of  free  trade 
when  you  clothe  us  with  power,  we  will  not  destroy  your  industries  over 
night."  Great  God !  Think  of  it !  They  will  not  kill  you  outright,  but  they 
will  starve  you  to  death  day  by  day.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  They  want 
to  be  put  on  guard  to  protect  the  people  who  are  dwelling  in  peace  and  pros- 
perity under  Republican  policies. 

It  reminds  me  of  a  fable  of  Aesop.  You  know  he  records  in  one  of  his 
fables  that  the  wolves  said  to  the  sheep,  "discharge  the  dogs" — (who  were 
their  natural  protectors) — "and  employ  us,  and  we  will  take  care  of  you." 
(Laughter.)  Does  the  capital  of  this  country  and  the  labor  of  this  country 
want  to  go  under  the  care  of  the  wolf  Gorman  and  Williams  and  their  fel- 
lows? I  think  not. 

What  a  country  it  is !  And  Republicans,,  we  have  to  outline  the  policy 
and  lead  the  people  in  caring  for  it.  We  are  like  the  women.  We  not  only 
have  to  take  care  of  ourselves,  but  as  one  very  bright  woman  said,  "we 
have  to  take  care  of  the  men  at  the  same  time."  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
The  Republican  party  not  only  has  to  care  for  itself,  but  it  has  to  care  for 
the  minority  by  wise  policies. 

How  has  it  been  doing  it?  We  preserved  the  Union  under  the  policy 
and  leadership  of  this  party.  Do  you  recollect  that  the  opposition  party,  on 
a  demand  for  an  armistice  and  negotiations  and  compromise,  nominated  Mc- 
Clellan  in  1864  and  moved  heaven  and  earth  to  defeat  Lincoln?  Do  you 
recollect  that  when  the  amendments  were  adopted  they  said  "nay,"  "nay,"  and 
even  after  they  were  ratified,  when  the  Democrats  came  into  power  tem- 
porarily in  Indiana  and  Ohio,  they  passed  acts  taking  back  the  assent  of  the 
Stales?  When,  in  the  seventies,  the  first  battle  was  fought  against  green- 


116  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

back  or  fiat  money,  whatever  the  Democrats  were  on  the  Atlantic  coast  they 
were  fiatists  out  in  the  Middle  West.  Step  by  step  through  all  these  forty- 
four  years,  during  which  if  you  measure  time  by  events,  we  have  lived  two 
centuries  as  compared  with  any  other  period  of  the  world's  history,  they  have 
pulled  back  and  pulled  back ;  and  when  we  accomplished  an  end — and  it  is 
necessary  to  march  forward  and  try  to  accomplish  other  objects — they  have 
moved  into  our  old  quarters  and  squatted  down  and  made  faces  and  said, 
"You  are  going  to  send  the  country  to  hell."  (Applause.)  But  we  do  not 
mind  it.  We  move  on.  (Applause.) 

Why  multiply  words  about  ancient  or  recent  conditions?  Take  the  coun- 
try under  the  administration  of  Grover  Cleveland,  and  compare  it  to  the 
country  under  the  administration  of  William  McKinley  and  Theodore  Roose- 
velt. (Applause.)  If  a  man  who  will  consider  conditions  and  dwell  in 
recollection  for  a  moment  and  make  a  fair  comparison,  does  not  endorse  the 
policies  of  the  Republican  party,  he  would  not  "be  persuaded,  though  one 
rose  from  the  dead."  (Laughter.)  McKinley;  Roosevelt;  the  passage  of 
the  Dingley  act  which  restored  us  economic  prosperity;  the  gold  standard 
act  that  settled  for  all  time  the  matter  of  sound  currency;  the  short  trium- 
phant war  with  Spain ;  the  Philippines  and  Porto  Rico  coming  under  our 
flag,  with  freedom  to  Cuba,  constitute  a  record  that  will  stand  in  the  future 
second  only  to  the  record  made  by  George  Washington  and  Abraham  Lin- 
coln. (Applause.) 

When  imported  anarchy  struck  down  our,great  President  at  a  time  when 
partisan  strife  had  almost  ceased,  the  world  paused  in  wonder  and  in  in- 
dignation, not  in  fear,  because,  as  life  went  from  our  great  leader  and  our 
great  President,  there  was  a  young,  active,  honest,  courageous  man  standing 
by  the  bed-side,  who,  under  the  Constitution,  was  his  successor,  and  he 
there  said :  "I  am  to  be  President,  to  carry  out  the  policies  of  the  Repub- 
lican party,  and  I  will  journey  in  the  footsteps  of  William  McKinley;"  and 
the  country  believed  him.  (Applause.) 

Becoming  President,  great  things  have  happened  in  the  last  three  years. 
In  the  old  world  a  single  great  policy  in  a  generation  is  the  exception.  We 
have  more  than  that  in  our  progressive  country.  I  have  given  you  the  great 
achievements  under  McKinley,  his  worthy  and  great  predecessor.  We  had 
the  consummation  of  freedom  to  Cuba  wrought  out  by  superior  statesman- 
ship. Imperialism  that  was  talked  about  under  McKinley  has  disappeared 
as  a  cry  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  with  growing  civil  government  and  peace 
in  the  Philippines.  Did  I  say  from  the  face  of  the  earth  ?  I  will  stick  to  it, 
because  the  doctrinaire  here  and  the  doctrinaire  there,  whether  it  be  in  New 
York  or  in  Boston,  draws  his  toga  about  him  and  says,  "I  am  wiser  than 
thou,"  and  after  this  great  question  is  setttled  by  the  consciences  and  the 
intelligence  of  all  the  people,  he  still  cries  "Wolf,  wolf."  Well,  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  he  has  a  right  to.  (Laughter.)  Let  them 
cry.  (Applause.) 

Greatly  bothered,  they  asked,  "What  is  going  to  become  of  the  Philip- 
pines?" At  last  we  have  peace;  at  last  we  have  growing  civil  government, 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       117 

and  as  our  eighty  millions  in  this  twentieth  century  shall  increase  from 
eighty  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions,  as  we  shall  go  out  with  production 
and  commerce,  in  the  fullness  of  time  that  territory  will  be  useful  to  the 
United  States,  whereas  in  the  meantime  we  will  be  like  a  benediction  to  them. 
(Applause.) 

The  United  States  is  great  in  production  and  in  wealth.  How  great  in 
wealth?  In  1850,  three  hundred  dollars  in  round  numbers  was  the  per  capita 
wealth.  In  1900  twelve  hundred  and  thirty-five  dollars  was  the  per  capita 
wealth.  In  1860  the  wealth  was  measured  by  sixteen  billion  dollars ;  in  1900, 
ninety-four  billions ;  now  a  hundred  billions,  whereas  Great  Britain  has  an 
aggregate  wealth  of  only  sixty  billions,  and  she  has  been  living  and  gather- 
ing it  for  the  last  five  hundred  years,  while  in  a  generation  we  spring  from 
sixteen  billions  to  one  hundred  billions.  The  world's  wealth  is  four  hundred 
billion  dollars.  The  United  States  has  one-fourth  of  it. 

But  our  friends,  the  enemy,  some  of  whom  are  little  politicians,  vex  the 
air  crying  "trusts,"  "trusts,"  "trusts."  Oh,  they  come  out  strong  with  good 
lungs  as  trust-busters.  They  have  been  at  it  ever  since  1890.  Did  they  ever 
do  any  busting?  (Laughter.)  Oh,  no.  There  is  no  Jericho  now,  and  if 
there  were,  it  would  never  happen  again  that  they  would  march  about  its 
walls  blowing  rams'  horns  seven  times  until  the  walls  fell  down.  That  is 
what  the  Democrats  seem  to  have  been  trying  to  do.  (Laughter.) 

Trusts?  Yes.  Great  combinations  of  capital  against  public  policy?  Yes. 
But  the  Republican  party,  always  true  to  the  people  and  its  traditions,  made 
haste  to  provide  under  the  Constitution  legislation  that  would  prohibit  these 
combinations. 

The  "Do-Something"  party!  It  slept  under  Cleveland.  Under  McKinley 
we  had  the  war  with  Spain  and  the  restoration  of  prosperity,  and  the  young, 
enthusiastic,  true  man  who  succeeded  McKinley  took  the  oath  to  see  to  it 
that  the  laws  were  executed ;  and  he  has  executed  the  law.  By  the  de- 
cisions of  the  courts  such  trusts  are  unlawful,  and  they  are  being  dissolved. 
That  is  the  difference  between  the  two  parties.  One  busts  by  wind,  and  the 
other  busts  by  law.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

But  that  is  not  all.  There  is  no  country  on  earth  that  has  so  much 
wealth  as  ours,  while  interest  rates  are  cheapening  and  cheapening  until  today 
the  credit  of  the  United  States  commands  money  at  a  premium  at  two  per 
cent,  which  is  one  per  cent  lower  than  any  other  nation  on  earth  can  com- 
mand it. 

Forming  combinations?  Yes.  But  all  the  while,  with  this  great  wealth 
in  individual  hands  desiring  favorable  investment,  month  by  month  and  year 
by  year  enterprising  citizens  desiring  gain  establish  additional  industries. 
Take  the  census  of  1900.  It  is  a  great  thing  to  have  the  figures  correctly 
tabulated.  According  to  the  facts,  and  the  census  of  1900  shows  it,  only 
fourteen  per  cent  of  the  factory  product  came  from  the  establishments  of 
the  so-called  trusts  in  the  United  States,  while  eighty-six  per  cent  of  the 
factory  product  came  from  their  competitors  in  individual  and  smaller 
ownership.  And  it  is  bound  to  be  that  way,  as  you  will  see  if  you  will  stop 


118  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

and  think.  There  are  eighty  million  of  our  people.  If  some  man  conceives 
the  idea  that  when  he  dies  wisdom  will  have  departed,  and  that  he  can 
corner  the  air  and  the  water  and  the  sun  light,  he  will  find  eighty  million 
people,  who  compose  our  civilization,  who  will  not  only  make  the  law  go 
into  force,  but  by  competition  and  enterprise  will  demonstrate  that  the 
declaration  of  the  enemy  is  a  falsehood. 

Can  you  prove  it?  Yes.  Just  a  minute.  In  the  last  two  years  the  wind 
and  the  water  that  came  from  over-capitalization  in  forming  the  so-called 
trusts  have  been  squeezed  out.  There  are  people  who  make  "motithbets" 
about  the  price  of  the  securities  of  watered  companies  and  companies  that 
have  gas  on  top  of  the  water,  made  by  the  printing  press,  who  stand  around 
and  say,  "it  is  the  most  extraordinary  shrinkage  in  values  that  was  ever 
known."  "How  much?"  "Oh,  a  good  many  hundreds  of  millions."  The  Wall 
Street  Journal  says  over  a  billion  six  hundred  million.  And  yet  every  dollar 
of  property,  every  particle  of  property  that  was  represented  by  this  over- 
capitalization two  years  ago  is  still  with  us.  (Applause.)  The  fools  who 
bet  the  stock  to  go  down  and  the  fools  who  bet  it  to  go  up  can  fight  it  out. 
It  does  not  make  one  particle  of  difference  to  the  eighty  million  people  who 
live  in  the  sweat  of  their  faces  and  do  a  legitimate  business.  (Applause.) 
They  move  right  on. 

Gentlemen,  we  have  the  protection  that  comes  from  the  law,  from  a  sound 
and  healthful  public  opinion,  from  an  active  and  righteous  public  sentiment, 
and  we  have  the  protection  growing  out  of  the  desire  of  our  people  to  in- 
vest hi  enterprises  in  which  a  dollar  of  securities  represents  a  dollar  of  in- 
vestment or  a  dollar  of  capital ;  and  when  such  a  factory  comes  into  com- 
petition with  one  which  has  cost  a  hundred  cents,  and  is  burdened  with 
another  hundred  cents  common,  and  another  hundred  cents  gas,  and  another 
hundred  cents  moonshine,  we  know  the  inevitable  result  looked  at  from  the 
inexorable  laws  of  trade  and  commerce.  (Applause.)  It  is  working  out. 
It  is  all  right. 

But  says  our  enemy,  "My  God ;  look  at  the  strikes  you  are  having  in 
this  country."  That  is  their  strong  suit — strikes ;  strikes.  (Laughter.)  Now, 
what  is  a  strike?  There  is  first  an  effort  by  the  employer  and  the  employee 
to  agree  how  the  profit  shall  be  divided.  If  the  employee  does  not  get  as 
much  as  he  thinks  he  ought  to  get,  after  arbitration  has  been  tried  he  strikes. 
They  quarrel  about  something  or  the  division  of  something.  It  is  absolutely 
necessary,  in  order  to  have  a  strike,  that  there  should  be  a  profit.  Great 
God,  how  many  strikes  were  there  under  Cleveland  when  the  Democrats  had 
the  running  of  the  country?  (Laughter  and  applause.)  Not  many,  because 
the  profits  were  scarce.  There  is  the  whole  story. 

"But,"  say  our  enemies,  "outrageous  things  are  done  by  the  employer  when 
he  oppresses  the  laborer,  and  outrageous  things  are  done  by  some  laborers 
when  they  go  on  a  strike."  Yes,  outrageous  things  are  done  in  some  of  our 
best  governed  churches,  as  well  as  amongst  those  who  do  not  belong  to  any 
church. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       119 

Once  in  a  while  a  citizen  commits  larceny.  Once  in  a  while  a  man  com- 
mits arson.  Once  in  a  while  a  man  is  guilty  of  homicide.  The  law  is  made 
to  protect  society  against  the  man  who  will  not  obey  the  law  and  who  makes 
war  on  his  neighbors.  (Applause.)  That  is  what  it  is  for.  Yes,  there  are 
law  breaking  and  disorder — law  breaking  in  the  formation  of  trusts ;  law 
breaking  at  times  in  the  organizations  of  labor  when  they  go  on  strike.  But 
the  great  body  of  the  American  people  who  own  the  wealth  are  not  for  the 
trusts,  and  the  great  body  of  labor,  honest  men  who  live  in  the  sweat  of  their 
faces,  are  not  for  law  breaking  in  strikes.  (Applause.)  The  law,  the 
sheet  anchor  of  civilization,  is  strong  enough  to  pull  down  the  strongest  and 
strong  enough  to  curb  the  weaker  and  the  vicious.  It  is  strong  enough,  like 
the  grace  of  God,  to  throw  its  arms  about  the  weakest  and  the  poorest  and 
bring  him  under  its  protection.  (Applause.)  All  must  obey  the  law  under 
Theodore  Roosevelt.  (Applause.)  He  has  seen  and  is  seeing  and  will  con- 
tinue to  see  that  without  favor  or  affection  the  law  shall  be  supreme  and  uni- 
versal within  our  borders. 

A  few  more  words  and  I  shall  have  concluded.  Our  government  is  of  the 
people.  It  is  divided  into  co-ordinate  branches — the  courts,  the  judges  of 
which  hold  office  for  life  or  during  good  behavior;  the  executive;  the  Con- 
gress, which  consists  of  two  co-ordinate  branches,  the  House  and  the  Senate, 
great  legislative  bodies.  They  could  not  be  otherwise,  born  as  they  are  of 
eighty  million  people  who  are  competent  for  self  government.  (Applause.) 
In  the  Senate  the  tenure  is  for  six  years.  The  great  popular  body,  near  to  the 
people,  that  reflects  the  sentiment  of  the  people,  is  chosen  every  two  years. 

You  know  that  under  our  form  of  government  the  party  in  power  is  held 
responsible.  The  function  of  the  minority  is  to  put  the  majority  on  good  be- 
havior by  being  ever  ready  to  appeal  to  the  people.  Let  me  tell  you  some- 
thing. If  our  government  has  a  fault,  it  is  that,  at  times,  after  an  election, 
a  party  is  only  partially  placed  in  power ;  in  other  words,  it  is  in  power  on 
only  on  leg — in  only  one  or  at  most  two  departments  of  the  government.  It 
may  have  the  Senate ;  it  may  have  the  Presidency ;  or  it  may  have  the  House. 
It  goes  along  on  crutches.  Yet  you  want  to  hold  it  responsible  to  public 
sentiment.  If  I  had  the  power  I  would  so  change  our  Constitution  that  at 
every  quadrennial  election  the  party  that  received  the  popular  approval  would 
go  fully  into  power  and  let  the  public  have  a  government  according  to  the 
sentiment  expressed  at  the  ballot  box.  (Applause.)  But  we  have  not  got 
it  arranged  quite  that  way. 

What  is  the  next  best  thing?  You  like  Theodore  Roosevelt?  Yes. 
Stronger  than  his  party,  he  will  be  triumphantly  elected.  (Applause.)  You 
like  the  Senate  of  the  United  States?  Yes.  It  is  a  great  body.  It  will  be 
Republican  for  two  years  more.  It  cannot  be  changed  short  of  that  time. 
The  people  could  change  it  at  the  end  of  four  years,  electing  a  third  of  the 
body  every  two  years.  You  like  the  policies  of  the  great  popular  body,  three 
hundred  and  eighty-six  strong,  coming  with  warrants  of  attorney  from  the 
people  to  cast  their  votes  for  them. 


120  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

If  you  approve  of  Roosevelt,  if  you  approve  of  the  Republican  policies, 
you  are  short-sighted  if  you  refuse  a  working  Republican  majority  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  because  you  cannot  keep  Republican  house  with- 
out it. 

I  am  done.  I  have  already  detained  you  longer  than  I  expected.  In 
conclusion,  let  me  again  say  that  we  are  proud  of  the  present ;  we  are  hope- 
ful of  the  future.  The  twentieth  century  is  to  bring  more  of  good  or  evil 
to  the  human  race  than  the  nineteenth  century  brought.  Under  what  party 
banner  will  you  enlist?  Under  that  of  the  reactionists?  Under  that  of  the 
people  who  will  sit  still  or  tear  down?  Or  will  you  take  service  with  the 
party  of  Lincoln,  and  Grant,  and  Garfield,  and  Harrison,  and  McKinley,  and 
Roosevelt,  and  help  us  march  on?  (Applause.) 

Speaking  to  the  living  in  the  presence  of  the  dead,  tears  for  them  and 
admiration  for  the  great  things  that  they  accomplished,  the  glory  of  our  race 
and  of  our  civilization  is  that  each  generation  works  out  its  own  salvation 
and  marches  forward  to  success  and  the  betterment  of  the  condition  of  man- 
kind, and  as  they  drop  into  the  grave,  their  successors  move  on  to  the  stage 
of  action,  holding  fast  all  that  the  past  has  given  us  and  going  in  turn  a  gen- 
eration's march  further  on  for  the  benefit  of  the  race  and  of  civilization. 
(Applause.) 

PRESENTATION  OF  GAVEL. 

Mr.  VOLNEY  W.  FOSTER,  of  Illinois. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  pleasant  duty  has 
been  assigned  me  to  present  to  you  this  emblem  of  authority.  The  firmness 
of  its  wood  and  the  purity  of  the  imposed  metal  are  symbols  of  the  charac- 
teristics which  you  possess  in  such  an  eminent  degree.  I  hope  you  may 
live  long  and  that  your  life  may  be  devoted  to  the  best  uses  of  the  Republic. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — I  accept  the  gavel  with  thanks,  and  appre- 
ciate the  kindly  sentiment  expressed  toward  me  by  the  citizens  of  my  own 
State. 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  RULES  AND  ORDER  OF 

BUSINESS. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  order  of  business  is  the  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business.  Is  the  committee  ready  to 
report  ? 

Mr.  HENRY  H.  BINGHAM,  of  Pennsylvania. — I  am  directed  by  your  Com- 
mittee on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business  to  submit  their  unanimous  report  for 
the  approval  of  the  convention. 

In  1888  the  rules  that  had  governed  the  preceding  conventions  of  the 
party  were  gone  over  with  great  care  and  thoroughness.  The  convention 
of  that  year  adopted  a  set  of  rules,  and  from  that  day  to  this,  the  body  of  the 
order  of  procedure  has  been  changed  but  in  a  limited  number  of  its  rules  or 
provisions.  Your  committee  has  followed  the  action  of  like  committees  in 
preceding  conventions,  but  several  changes  are  made  in  the  rules  because  of 
the  inclusion  of  the  Philippine  Islands  and  Porto  Rico,  and  there  has  been 
inserted  a  rule  recommended  by  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Committee, 


COLONEL  CHARLES  W.  JOHNSON,  of  Minnesota, 

General    Secretary    Republican    National    Conventions    of    1892,    1896,    1900    and 

1904. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.        121 

in  order  that  in  making  up  the  roll  of  delegates  and  alternates  and  contested 
seats,  a  better  submission  may  be  made  than  has  heretofore  been  made  in 
the  absence  of  any  rule. 

In  full  recognition  of  the  fairness  and  familiarity  of  your  Presiding  Offi- 
cer today,  in  order  that  he  may  feel  perfectly  at  home  in  this  convention,  as 
he  always  does  in  the  Speaker's  chair  in  the  House,  we  have  adopted  the 
rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Fifty-eighth  Congress,  when 
not  inconsistent  with  the  rules  submitted  for  this  convention. 

If  I  can  invoke  the  generous  patience  of  this  convention — I  understand 
that  copies  of  the  rules  have  been  distributed  for  the  convenience  of  dele- 
gates— I  will  proceed  to  read  the  report  of  the  committee. 

Mr.  BINGHAM  proceeded  to  read  the  report. 

Mr.  SHELBY  M.  CULLOM,  of  Illinois. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  rise  to  make  a 
suggestion.  Copies  of  the  report  which  my  friend,  the  gentleman  from  Penn- 
sylvania, is  reading  are  in  the  hands  of  the  whole  convention,  and  I  suggest 
whether  it  is  necessary  for  the  gentleman  to  proceed  further  with  its  reading. 

Mr.  BINGHAM. — If  the  further  reading  of  the  report  can  be  dispensed  with; 
it  will  be  very  agreeable  to  me. 

Mr.  CULLOM. — I  ask  unanimous  consent  that  that  course  may  be  pursued. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Illinois  asks  unani- 
imous  consent  of  the  convention,  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  yielding 
for  that  purpose,  that  the  further  reading  of  the  report  be  dispensed  with. 
Is  there  objection?  The  Chair  hears  none,  and  it  is  so  ordered. 

The  report  in  full  is  as  follows : 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  RULES  AND  ORDER  OF 

BUSINESS. 

The  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business  have  attended  to  the  du- 
ties assigned  them,  and  respectfully  report  the  following  rules : 

Rule  I.  The  Convention  shall  consist  of  a  number  of  delegates  from  each 
State  equal  to  double  the  number  of  each  Senator  and  Representative  in  Con- 
gress; six  delegates  each  from  the  Territories  of  Arizona,  Indian  Territory, 
New  Mexico  and  Oklahoma;  six  from  Alaska,  two  from  the  District  of  Columbia, 
two  from  Hawaii,*  two  from  Porto  Rico,  and  two  from  the  Philippine  Islands; 
provided,  that  during  this  convention  only  the  order  already  made  as  to  the 
aforesaid  delegates  from  the  Philippine  Islands,  giving  them  six  seats  with  two 
votes,  shall  continue. 

Rule  II.  The  rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Fifty-eighth 
Congress  shall  be  the  rules  of  the  Convention,  so  far  as  they  are  applicable 
and  not  inconsistent  with  the  following  rules: 

Rule  III.  When  the  previous  question  shall  be  demanded  by  a  majority  of 
the  delegates  from  any  State,  and  the  demand  is  seconded  by  two  or  more 
States,  and  the  call  is  sustained  by  a  majority  of  the  Convention,  the  question 
shall  then  be  proceeded  with,  and  disposed  of  according  to  the  rules  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  similar  cases. 


•For  this  convention  only  was,   by  special  vote,  allowed  six  delegates.     See 
page  129. 


122  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Rule  IV.  A  motion  to  suspend  the  rules  shall  be  In  order  only  when  made 
by  authority  of  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  any  State,  and  seconded  by  a 
majority  of  the  delegates  from  not  less  than  two  other  states. 

Rule  V.  It  shall  be  in  order  to  lay  on  the  table  a  proposed  amendment  to  a 
pending  measure,  and  such  motion,  if  adopted,  shall  not  carry  with  it,  or  preju- 
dice such  measure. 

Rule  VI.  Upon  all  subjects  before  the  Convention  the  States  shall  be  called 
in  alphabetical  order  and  next  the  Territories,  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia, 
Hawaii,  Porto  Rico,  and  the  Philippine  Islands. 

Rule  VII.  The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  shall  be  disposed 
of  before  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  is  acted  upon,  and  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  shall  be  disposed  of  before  the  Con- 
vention proceeds  to  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  President  and  Vice- 
President. 

Rule  VIH.  When  a  majority  of  the  delegates  of  any  two  States  shall  de- 
mand that  a  vote  be  recorded,  the  same  shall  be  taken  by  States,  Territories, 
Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia,  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine 
Islands,  the  Secretary  calling  the  roll  of  the  States  and  Territories,  Alaska,  the 
District  of  Columbia,  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine  Islands  in  the 
order  heretofore  established. 

Rule  IX.  In  making  the  nomination  for  President  and  Vice-President,  in 
no  case  shall  the  calling  of  the  roll  be  dispensed  with.  When  it  appears  at 
the  close  of  any  roll-call  that  any  candidate  has  received  the  majority  of  votes 
to  which  the  Convention  is  entitled,  the  President  of  the  Convention  shall 
announce  the  question  to  be:  "Shall  the  nomination  of  the  candidate  be  made 
unanimous?"  If  no  candidate  shall  have  received  such  majority,  the  Chair 
shall  direct  the  vote  to  be  taken  again,  which  shall  be  repeated  until  some 
candidate  shall  have  received  a  majority  of  the  votes;  and  when  any  State 
ha£  announced  its  votes  it  shall  so  stand,  unless  in  case  of  numerical  error. 

Rule  X.  In  the  record  of  the  votes,  the  vote  of  each  State,  Territory, 
Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia,  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine  Islands 
shall  be  announced  by  the  Chairman,  and  in  case  the  vote  of  any  S.tate,  Terri- 
tory, Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia,  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico  or  the  Philippine 
Islands  shall  be  divided,  the  Chairman  shall  announce  the  number  of  votes 
for  any  candidate,  or  for  or  against  any  proposition,  but  if  exception  is  taken 
by  any  delegate  to  the  correctness  of  such  announcement  by  the  Chairman  of 
his  delegation,  the  President  of  the  Convention  shall  direct  the  roll  of  mem- 
bers of  such  delegation  to  be  called,  and  the  result  shall  be  recorded  in  accord- 
ance with  the  vote  individually  given. 

Rule  XL  No  member  shall  speak  more  than  once  upon  the  same  question, 
nor  longer  than  five  minutes,  unless  by  leave  of  the  Convention,  except  in  the 
presentation  of  the  names  of  candidates. 

Rule  Xn.  A  Republican  National  Committee  shall  be  appointed,  to  consist 
of  one  member  from  each  State,  Territory,  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia, 
Hawaii,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine  Islands.  The  roll  shall  be  called  and 
the  delegation  from  each  State,  Territory,  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia, 
Hawaii,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine  Islands  shall  name,  through  its  Chair- 
man, a  person  who  shall  act  as  member  of  said  committee.  Such  committee 
shall  Issue  the  call  for  the  meeting  of  the  National  Convention  within  sixty 
days  at  least  before  the  time  fixed  for  said  meeting,  and  each  Congressional 
District  in  the  United  States  shall  elect  its  delegates  to  the  National  Conven- 
tion In  the  same  way  as  the  nomination  of  a  member  for  Congress  is  made  in 
said  District,  and  in  Territories  the  delegates  to  the  Convention  shall  be  elected 
In  the  same  way  as  the  nomination  of  a  delegate  to  Congress  is  made,  and 
said  National  Committee  shall  prescribe  the  mode  of  selecting  the  delegates  for 
the  District  of  Columbia,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine  Islands.  An  alternate 
delegate  for  each  delegate  to  the  National  Convention,  to  act  in  case  of  the 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       123 

absence  of  the  delegate,  shall  be  elected  in  the  same  manner  and  at  the  same 
time  as  a  delegate  is  elected.  Delegates-at-large  for  each  State  and  their 
alternates  shall  be  elected  by  State  Conventions  in  their  respective  States. 
Twenty  days  before  the  day  set  for  the  meeting  of  the  National  Convention 
the  credentials  of  each  delegate  and  alternate  shall  be  forwarded  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  National  Committee,  for  use  in  making  up  the  temporary  roll  of  the 
Convention.  Notices  of  contests  shall  be  forwarded  in  the  same  manner  and 
within  the  same  limits  of  time.  And  when  the  Convention  shall  have  as- 
sembled and  the  Committee  on  Credentials  shall  have  been  appointed,  the 
Secretary  of  the  National  Committee  shall  deliver  to  the  said  Committee  on 
Credentials  all  credentials  and  other  papers  forwarded  under  this  rule. 

Rule  XIII.  The  Republican  National  Committee  is  authorized  and  empow- 
ered to  select  an  executive  committee  to  consist  of  nine  members,  who  may  or 
may  not  be  members  of  the  National  Committee. 

Rule  XIV.  All  resolutions  relating  to  the  platform  shall  be  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Resolutions  without  debate. 

Rule  XV.  No  person  except  members  of  the  several  delegations  and  officers 
of  the  Convention  shall  be  admitted  to  that  section  of  the  hall  apportioned  to 
delegates. 

Rule  XVI.     The  Convention  shall  proceed  in  the  following  order  of  business: 
First.     Report  of  the   Committee  on   Credentials. 
Second.     Report    of   the   Committee   on    Permanent   Organization. 
Third.     Report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 
Fourth.     Naming  members  of  the  National  Committee. 
Fifth.     Presentation   of  names  of  Candidates   for  President. 
Sixth.     Balloting. 

Seventh.     Presentation  of  names  of  Candidates  for  Vice-President. 
Eighth.     Balloting. 

Ninth.     Call    of    the    roll    of    States,    Territories,    Alaska,    the    District    of 
Columbia,    Hawaii,    Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines,  for  names  of  dele- 
gates to  serve  respectively  on  Committees,  to  notify  the  nominees  for 
President    and    Vice-President  of  their  selection  for  said  offices. 
All  of  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 

HENRY  H.  BINGHAM  (Pa.),  Chairman. 
H.    B.   MAXSON   (Nev.),   Secretary. 
RENO  S.  HARP  (Maryland) 
J.  M.  STEVENS  (Idaho) 

Assistant  Secretaries. 

Mr.  BINGHAM. — I  move  you,  sir,  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  moves 
the  adoption  of  the  report. 

Mr.  J.   B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — Mr.   Chairman 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  rise? 

Mr.  FORAKER. — To  offer  an  amendment  to  the  report. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  will  send  the  amendment  to 
the  desk. 

Mr.  FORAKER. — I  offer  it  at  the  request  of  the  delegation  from  Hawaii. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  amendment,  which  is  in  the  form  of  a 
resolution,  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 


124  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

Resolved,  That  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  be  amended  so  as  to 
allow  the  six  delegates  from  Hawaii  six  votes,  in  conformity  with  her  sister 
Territories  of  Arizona,  New  Mexico.  Oklahoma,  Indian  Territory  and  Alaska. 

Mr.  FORAKER.— In  support  of  the  amendment  I  call  attention  to  the  fact 
that  Hawaii  is  a  Territory,  made  so  by  legislative  enactment,  and  is  entitled 
to  the  same  treatment  that  is  accorded  every  other  Territory.  Each  of  the 
other  Territories  is  given  six  delegates.  In  the  call  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee Hawaii  as  a  Territory  was  asked  to  send  six  delegates,  and  Alaska, 
which  is  not  a  Territory,  but  only  a  district,  was  asked  to  send  four  dele- 
gates. This  committee  has  reported  that  Alaska  shall  have  six  delegates, 
and  Hawaii,  which  is  a  Territory,  shall  have  only  two  delegates,  and  that 
every  other  Territory  shall  have  six  delegates.  We  do  not  object  to  Alaska 
having  six  delegates  if  the  committee  see  fit  so  to  provide,  but  that  Hawaii 
should  be  discriminated  against  is  what  is  complained  of  on  the  part  of  the 
Hawaiian  delegation,  and  I  think  justly. 

Governor  Carter,  who  represents  that  delegation,  is  on  the  platform,  and 
I  would  be  glad  to  have  the  convention  hear  him.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  GEORGE  R.  CARTER,  of  Hawaii. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention  of  the 
Republican  party,  there  seems  to  be  an  impression  in  some  quarters  that 
Hawaii  is  not  a  Territory.  I  rise  to  assure  you  that  Hawaii  is  on  the  map 
of  the  United  States  and  among  the  Territories  of  America,  and  not  in  the 
list  of  its  possessions.  (Applause.)  Twelve  good,  stalwart  Republicans 
have  traveled  five  thousand  miles  to  show  our  allegiance  to  this  party.  (Ap- 
plause.) We  are  too  good  American  citizens  to  sit  still  in  the  face  of  dis- 
crimination, and  too  loyal  Republicans  to  see  this  convention  take  action 
which  will  injure  it  even  in  the  isles  beyond  the  sea;  those  emerald  isles,, 
the  paradise  of  the  Pacific.  (Applause.)  God  grant  that  it  may  not  occur, 
but  in  the  struggle  of  the  future  if  there  should  arise  a  contest  on  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  Hawaii  will  be  necessary  to  America,  and  the  people  of  Hawaii  will 
not  be  found  wanting.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  A.  J.  HOPKINS,  of  Illinois. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  trust  that  the  amend- 
ment offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  will  not  be  adopted  by  this  con- 
vention, and  that  the  enthusiasm  which  was  displayed  by  the  delegate  from 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  will  not  carry  the  members  of  this  convention  away 
from  what  is  just  and  proper  in  determining  the  personnel  of  a  great  na- 
tional convention.  I  do  not  yield  even  to  the  delegate  from  Hawaii  in  my 
admiration  for  those  islands,  and  in  my  zeal  to  support  any  legislation  that 
will  benefit  the  people  of  the  islands. 

It  was  my  province  and  my  pleasure  by  my  vote  to  assist  in  making  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  a  part  of  the  United  States,  and  ever  since  that  time  I 
have  voted  always  for  legislation  that  would  benefit  their  people.  But  when 
we  come  to  a  great  national  convention,  we  should  not  treat  the  people  of 
the  islands  any  better  than  we  treat  the  people  in  a  congressional  district  in 
the  State  of  Illinois,  or  in  the  Empire  State  of  New  York. 

Under  the  rules  which  have  been  proposed  here  by  this  committee,  the 
great  congressional  district  in  Illinois  that  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      125 

Representatives  represents,  having  a  population  of  two  hundred  thousand 
people,  is  entitled  to  only  two  delegates  in  this  convention.  The  Islands  of 
Hawaii  have  a  population  of  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  I  wish 
to  know  whether  we  are  prepared  now  to  give  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand people  in  that  little  Territory,  greater  privileges  in  this  convention  than 
we  give  a  congressional  district  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  or  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  or  any  of  the  other  great  States  that  form  this  mighty  Republic? 

The  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Foraker)  has  stated  that  Hawaii  is  a 
Territory,  but  I  do  not  recognize  that  she  is  entitled,  simply  by  reason  of 
that  fact,  to  the  same  representation  that  we  would  give  a  million  people 
in  the  Territory  of  Oklahoma,  or  that  we  would  give  two  hundred  thousand 
people  in  one  of  the  congressional  districts  in  the  State  which  he  so  ably 
represents  in  part  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  If  it  be  a  question 
of  Territory,  then  I  should  be  in  favor  of  cutting  down  the  representation 
from  the  Territories  rather  than  to  give  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
people  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  a  representation  of  six  delegates  in  a  na- 
tional convention. 

You  must  remember,  gentlemen,  that  we  are  establishing  a  precedent  here 
today.  We  have  only  one  candidate  now,  and  the  net  result  will  be  the  same 
whether  we  have  two  delegates  or  six  delegates  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands. 
But  if  we  once  establish  the  precedent,  the  time  may  come  when  the  six 
delegates  representing  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  people  of  the  Ha- 
waiian Islands  may  determine  who  our  standard-bearer  shall  be.  (Applause.) 
And  that  is  one  of  the  reasons  why  I  am  opposed  today  to  the  increase  of 
the  representation  from  Hawaii.  You  must  remember  that  this  is  an  act  of 
grace  upon  our  part.  When  the  campaign  comes  upon  us,  when  we  are 
fighting  the  common  enemy,  and  seeking  to  carry  to  triumphant  success  Re- 
publican principles,  to  elect  a  Republican  President,  these  people  in  the  Ter- 
ritories and  the  Hawaiian  Islands  cannot  give  us  any  aid.  They  may  by 
their  votes  give  us  a  candidate  who  would  imperil  an  electoral  ticket  in  one 
of  the  great  States  of  the  Republic.  Hence,  without  taking  up  your  time 
further,  I  trust  the  amendment  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  will 
be  voted  down.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  WILLIAM  M.  K.  OLCOTT,  of  New  York. — How  about  the  six  votes 
from  Alaska? 

Mr.  HOPKINS. — I  said  I  should  be  willing  to  cut  down  that  representation 
rather  than  to  increase  this. 

Mr.  J.  W.  BABCOCK,  of  Wisconsin,  obtained  the  floor. 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio,  addressed  the  Chair. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Wisconsin  (Mr.  Bab- 
cock)  is  recognized.  If  he  does  not  press  recognition  at  this  time 

Mr.  BABCOCK. — I  will  withhold  for  the  present. 

Mr.  J.  W.  MCKINLEY,  of  California. — California  desires  to  press  for  rec- 
ognition. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Wisconsin  was  first 
recognized;  does  he  withdraw  his  request? 


126  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Mr.  BABCOCK. — Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio.— Mr.  Chairman 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— Under  the  rules,  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
(Mr.  Foraker)  having  spoken  once,  he  cannot  speak  again,  although  the  Chair 
will  submit  a  request  for  unanimous  consent  in  his  behalf,  if  desired. 

Mr.  A.  J.  HOPKINS,  of  Illinois. — I  ask  unanimous  consent  that  the  gentle- 
man from  Ohio  be  heard. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— Is  there  objection  to  the  request  of  the 
gentleman  from  Illinois?  The  Chair  hears  none. 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Giairman,  and  gentlemen  of  the  con- 
vention, there  is  much  in  what  was  said  by  the  distinguished  gentleman  from 
Illinois  (Mr.  Hopkins)  with  which  we  all  sympathize,  and  when  the  proper 
time  comes  for  making  another  precedent,  we  will  all  listen  to  his  reason- 
ing. But  I  submit  that  it  is  too  late  to  raise  the  objection  which  in  this  case 
has  been  made. 

I  call  attention  again  to  the  fact  that  Hawaii  is  a  Territory  of  the  United 
States.  (Applause.)  She  has  been  given  a  territorial  government,  and  that 
action  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  was  in  accordance  with  the  pro- 
visions of  the  law  annexing  Hawaii.  Hawaii,  therefore,  stands  before  us 
when  it  comes  to  the  matter  of  representation,  in  precisely  the  same  light 
that  every  other  Territory  stands  before  us.  (Applause.) 

New  Mexico,  Arizona,  Oklahoma  and  the  Indian  Territory  were  all  by  the 
call  of  the  National  Committee  allowed  six  delegates.  I  think  they  might 
perhaps  have  lessened  that  representation  without  giving  cause  to  anybody 
to  make  just  complaint,  but  they  did  not  do  it.  They  gave  each  six  dele- 
gates, and  recognizing  that  Alaska  is  not  a  Territory,  but  only  a  district,  they 
provided  that  Alaska  should  have  four  delegates. 

The  population  of  Hawaii  is  as  great  as  the  population  of  Alaska,  and 
greater.  The  population  of  Hawaii  is  as  great  as  the  population  of  Arizona, 
and  greater.  The  population  of  Hawaii  is  almost  as  great  as  the  popula- 
tion of  New  Mexico.  There  is  not,  therefore,  I  submit,  any  just  reason  for 
saying  now,  after  Hawaii  has  sent  here  at  great  expense  six  delegates  all  the 
way  from  the  Islands  to  represent  her  in  response  to  our  call,  that  we  will 
draw  the  line  and  cut  her  down  to  two. 

The  committee  has  given,  and  the  convention  will  be  giving,  if  it  approves 
the  action  of  the  committee,  six  delegates  to  Alaska,  a  district,  when  only 
four  were  authorized;  and  six  delegates  to  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  each, 
when  Hawaii,  a  Territory  with  substantially  equal  population,  is  to  get  but 
two.  That  is  a  discrimination  against  which  we  complain.  What  we  want 
is  that  all  shall  be  treated  alike,  and  when  the  next  call  is  issued  the  matter 
can  be  considered,  and  if  it  shall  then  be  deemed  wise  to  make  a  change 
in  representation,  it  can  be  made  at  that  time  on  some  basis  just  to  all.  But 
we  ought  not  to  make  it  now,  as  an  act  of  discrimination,  after  Hawaii,  in 
response  to  our  invitation,  has  sent  six  delegates  all  the  way  from  Hawaii. 
We  should  not  now  exclude  four  and  admit  only  two  of  the  six.  (Applause.) 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       127 

Mr.  J.  W.  BABCOCK,  of  Wisconsin. — Mr.  Chairman,  as  a  member  of  the 
Committee  on  Rules  I  wish  to  say  that  the  delegates  from  Hawaii  have  al- 
ready been  seated  in  this  convention  and  occupy  seats  on  this  floor  at  the 
present  time.  The  National  Committee  and  the  Committee  on  Rules  re- 
ported identically  the  same,  that  the  six  delegates  should  cast  two  votes.  The 
Committee  on  Rules  desires  to  deal  equitably  as  far  as  possible,  and  in  this 
case  gave  Porto  Rico,  Hawaii,  the  Philippine  Islands  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  two  votes  each. 

I  appeal  to  the  delegates  of  this  convention,  and  call  their  attention  to  the 
character  of  the  population  in  the  respective  political  subdivisions.  The  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  with  three  hundred  thousand  intelligent  American  people 
has  but  two  delegates.  The  gentleman  has  stated  that  Hawaii  has  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  people.  The  records  show  that  but  a  short  time 
ago  Hawaii  had  more  than  two  hundred  thousand ;  that  the  population  de- 
creased to  about  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand,  and  today  is  prob- 
ably one  hundred  and  forty  thousand,  according  to  the  best  information  we 
can  get. 

Mr.  Chairman,  as  has  been  well  stated  by  the  gentleman  from  Illinois 
(Mr.  Hopkins),  are  we  to  give  territory,  far  distant  from  the  shores  of  our 
mainland,  which  was  not  a  part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase,  as  much  repre- 
sentation as  other  Territories  which  form  a  part  of  the  mainland  here?  Are 
we  to  give  a  population  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  in  those 
islands  the  same  representation  as  a  Territory  in  the  United  States?  I  do 
not  wish,  gentlemen,  to  make  any  criticism  of  the  character  of  the  population 
of  the  respective  localities,  but  I  suggest  that  gentlemen  make  a  mental 
comparison  of  the  population  of  the  islands,  to  which  it  is  asked  that  we 
give  six  delegates,  with  three  Representative  districts  in  the  great  State  of 
New  York,  which  would  be  entitled  to  an  equal  number  of  delegates — dis- 
tricts inhabited  by  strong,  intelligent  American  citizens.  And  yet  this  amend- 
ment proposes  to  give  those  islands  the  same  representation  in  the  great 
national  convention ;  that  their  delegates  are  to  come  here,  representing  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  people,  with  the  same  voice  that  six  hun- 
dred thousand  people  in  the  great  State  of  New  York  have. 

Mr.  Chairman,  if  the  convention  purposes  seriously  to  consider  this 
amendment,  I  want  to  add  another  political  subdivision.  I  want  the  District 
of  Columbia  to  have  six  representatives ;  I  want  the  State  of  Wisconsin,  in 
which  I  reside,  to  have  seventy-eight.  We  have  just  as  good  Republicans 
there  as  in  any  other  State  in  the  Union,  and  I  can  not  see,  Mr.  Chairman, 
why  we  are  not  entitled  to  the  same  representation  as  any  other  equal  area  of 
territory.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  J.  W.  McKiNLEY,  of  California. — Mr.  Chairman,  those  who  are  seek- 
ing the  adoption  of  this  amendment  have  not  complained  of  any  bad  faith  or 
unfairness  on  the  part  of  the  committee,  but  they  do  say  that  the  theories 
upon  which  the  committee  have  acted  are  not  in  accordance  with  those  upon 
which  representation  is  to  be  determined  according  to  the  precedents  and 
according  to  the  other  portions  of  this  report. 


128  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

The  gentleman  from  Wisconsin  (Mr.  Babcock)  raises  the  question  not 
only  as  to  population,  but  also  as  to  the  character  of  that  population.  Both 
of  those  matters  as  to  representation  from  the  Territories  are  false  quantities 
because,  as  far  as  the  population. is  concerned,  they  are  not  applicable  to  the 
rules  under  which  the  representation  of  Territories  is  determined.  Character 
of  population  has  no  bearing  whatever  upon  the  representation  of  either 
States  or  Territories.  (Applause.)  Time  after  time  the  Republican  party 
has  turned  down  the  proposition  to  determine  anything  with  reference  to 
representation  upon  the  basis  of  the  character  of  the  population.  They  have 
recognized  the  fact  that  in  the  Southern  States  the  numbers  that  largely  go 
to  make  up  the  population  belong  to  a  party  which  is  not  to  be  represented 
in  the  halls  of  a  Republican  gathering.  They  have  laid  down  the  proposition 
'  that  Republicans  wherever  they  are  are  entitled  to  adequate  representation, 
and  that  the  character  of  the  population  is  not  to  be  considered  and  is  not 
a  proper  element  for  consideration  in  this  matter. 

The  State  of  California,  which  I  represent,  standing  at  the  gateway 
through  which  come  the  Hawaiian  representatives,  recognizing  the  importance 
of  the  extension  of  our  interests  throughout  the  Orient,  recognizing  the  fact 
that  the  Republican  party  in  determining  representation  from  the  Territories 
looks  to  the  future  as  well  as  to  the  present,  believes  that,  in  recognition  of 
our  great  policy,  we  should  extend  our  hands  to  the  Hawaiians  coming  here 
from  their  homes  over  five  thousand  miles  distant,  nearly  three  thousand  of 
which  are  across  the  sea.  We  believe  they  should  have  such  representation 
as  will  enable  them  to  go  home  to  their  people  and  say  that  from  a  Repub- 
lican convention  they  received  a  welcome  and  a  God-speed  which  encourages 
them  to  feel  that  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  the  great  Republican  party 
extends  its  protecting  power  to  the  islands  of  the  sea  and  to  all  people,  what- 
ever their  character  may  be.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  HENRY  H.  BINGHAM,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  in  order  that 
there  may  be  no  misunderstanding  as  to  the  action  of  your  Committee  on 
Rules,  I  will  state  that  the  matter  of  the  increase  of  representation  from 
Hawaii  was  considered  by  your  committee,  and  it  was  determined  that  they 
should  have  the  same  representation  in  this  convention,  as  well  as  in  the 
future,  as  they  have  had  in  the  past.  We  increased  the  representation  of 
Alaska  from  four  to  six.  Alaska  has  been  on  the  roll  of  national  conven- 
tions for  many  years,  and  her  original  increase  was  from  two  to  four,  and  for 
the  last  sixteen  years  her  representation  has  been  four.  Alaska  has  poured 
into  the  industries  and  treasury  of  the  country  millions  upon  millions  of 
dollars,  and  in  recognition  of  that  industry  and  tribute  to  the  Republic,  we 
increased  the  representation  from  four  to  six.  (Applause.) 

Now  further,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  perhaps  in  the  future  the 
contests  may  be  closer  in  determination  than  they  are  in  this  convention, 
where  it  seems  to  be  an  easy  line  of  expression  to  determine  who  shall  be 
our  standard  bearers.  Had  the  Territories  in  the  convention  in  Cincinnati 
which  nominated  President  Hayes  had  the  representation  that  they  have  in 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.        129 

this  convention,  they  could  have  changed  and  perhaps  would  have  changed 
the  determination  of  that  convention. 

There  are  now  from  the  Territories,  from  Oklahoma,  Porto  Rico,  the 
District  of  Columbia,  Hawaii,  etc.,  all  told,  thirty-eight  representatives  in 
this  convention ;  they  have  nine  members  of  the  National  Committee ;  and 
in  defense  of  your  Committee  on  Rules,  I  submit  that  we  were  acting  in  per- 
fect fairness  when  we  continued,  as  we  did,  the  rule  giving  two  as  the  repre- 
sentation from  Hawaii. 

Now  a  word  as  to  the  action  of  the  National  Committee.  In  their  call 
for  this  convention  they  called  for  six  delegates  and  alternates  from  Hawaii. 
The  National  Committee  went  beyond  their  authority.  The  authority  under 
which  the  National  Committee  in  the  organization  of  the  next  convention  will 
operate  is  the  rules  adopted  by  this  convention.  The  National  Committee  in 
existence  a  few  days  ago  operated  under  the  rules  of  the  convention  of  1900 
at  Philadelphia.  That  convention  determined  that  Hawaii  should  have  two 
delegates. 

Now,  with  full  recognition  of  the  patriotic  and  the  party  sentiment  that 
has  brought  here  this  representation  thousands  of  miles  from  Hawaii,  and 
in  consonance  with  the  action  of  the  convention  yesterday  in  giving  represen- 
tation to  the  Philippines,  I  offer  to  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Foraker) 
and  would  ask  his  acceptance  of  a  substitute,  which  I  think  will  cover  future 
policy  as  well  as  meet  the  sentiment  expressed  with  reference  to  the  credit- 
able performance  on  the  part  of  the  delegates  from  Hawaii  in  journeying  to 
this  convention.  The  substitute,  which  I  will  now  read,  follows  the  action 
of  the  convention  yesterday  with  reference  to  the  Philippine  Islands : 

"That  the  representation  of  Hawaii  shall  be  two  delegates ;  provided,  that 
this  shall  not  impair  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  six  delegates  already 
seated  in  this  convention." 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  moves 
an  amendment,  by  way  of  substitute,  to  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman 
from  Ohio.  The  substitute  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

"That  the  representation  of  Hawaii  shall  be  two  delegates ;  provided,  that 
this  shall  not  impair  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  six  delegates  already 
seated  in  this  convention." 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — I  wish  to  say  in  answer  to  the  question 
propounded  to  me  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Bingham)  that 
I  do  not  see  why,  if  this  substitute  is  to  be  now  adopted,  it  should  not  be 
made  to  apply  to  Alaska,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  as  well,  because  they 
have  no  greater  population,  and  neither  New  Mexico  nor  Arizona  has  any 
advantage  over  Hawaii,  all  being  Territories  alike. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  substi- 
tute offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Bingham)  for  the 
amendment  submitted  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Foraker).  (Putting 
the  question.)  :  The  "ayes"  seem  to  have  it. 


130  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — A  division. 

Mr.  M.  G.  WALSH,  of  Illinois. — A  roll  call. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Under  the  rule  a  roll  call  can  be  ordered 
on  the  demand  of  two  States.  Does  any  State  demand  a  roll  call? 

Mr.  J.  W.  McKiNLEY,  of  California. — California  demands  a  roll  call. 

Mr.  H.  C.  HANSBROUGH,  of  North  Dakota. — North  Dakota  seconds  the 
demand. 

The  demand  was  also  seconded  by  Mr.  J.  B.  Foraker  on  behalf  of  Ohio 
and  by  Mr.  John  W.  Springer  on  behalf  of  Colorado. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  call  the  roll  of  States,  and 
the  chairman  of  each  delegation  will  report  the  yeas  and  nays. 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — It  is  requested  that  the  substitute  be  again 
read.  Some  delegates  wish  to  hear  it  again. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — In  the  absence  of  objection,  the  Clerk  will 
again  read  the  substitute. 

Mr.  FORAKER. — If  it  is  not  too  late,  I  move  to  amend  the  substitute  by  in- 
cluding Alaska,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — That  can  not  be  done,  as  the  roll  call  has 
been  ordered. 

It  has  been  requested  that  the  substitute  be  again  read.  The  Clerk  will 
read  it. 

The  READING  CLERK  again  read  the  substitute. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  call  the  roll  on  the  question 
of  agreeing  to  the  substitute  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
(Mr.  Bingham)  for  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio 
(Mr.  Foraker). 

The  Clerk  proceeded  to  call  the  roll. 

Mr.  SHELBY  M.  CULLOM,  of  Illinois  (when  Illinois  was  called). — I  ask  the 
convention  to  allow  Illinois  to  be  passed  for  the  moment. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — In  the  absence  of  objection,  Illinois  will  be 
passed  for  the  time  being. 

Mr.  GEORGE  R.  CARTER,  of  Hawaii  (when  Hawaii  was  called). — Hawaii 
does  not  vote. 

The  roll  call  was  concluded. 

Mr.  SHELBY  M.  CULLOM,  of  Illinois. — Illinois  is  now  prepared  to  vote. 
She  casts  34  yeas  and  20  nays. 

Mr.  M.  G.  WALSH,  of  Illinois. — I  challenge  the  vote  of  Illinois,  and  call 
for  a  poll  of  the  delegation. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  vote  of  Illinois  is  challenged.  Upon 
what  ground  does  the  gentleman  challenge  the  vote  ? 

Mr.  EDGAR  F.  OLSON,  of  Illinois. — Upon  the  ground  that  I  do  not  think  the 
poll  of  the  delegation  has  been  completed. 

Mr.  SHELBY  M.  CULLOM,  of  Illinois. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  report  made  to 
the  chairman  of  the  delegation  was  as  I  stated  it  to  be.  If  there  is  any  mis- 
take about  it 

Mr.  M.  G.  WALSH,  of  Illinois.— I  withdraw  the  challenge. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       131 


The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Illinois  withdraws  his 
challenge,  and  the  vote  will  stand  as  recorded. 

The  result  was  announced,  Yeas  495,  Nays  490,  as  follows : 

States  or                                           Whole  Number 

Territories.                                                Delegates.        Yeas.  Nays. 

Alabama  22  4  18 

Arkansas    18  1  17 

California    20  ..  20 

Colorado    10  . .  10 

Connecticut   14  ..  14 

Delaware    6  1  6 

Florida   10  ..  8 

Georgia    26  ..  26 

Idaho    6  ..  6 

Illinois     54  34  20 

Indiana    30  28  2 

Iowa   26  ..  26 

Kansas    20  20 

Kentucky    26  18  8 

Louisiana  18  9  9 

Maine    12  4  8 

Maryland    16  16 

Massachusetts    32  32 

Michigan    28  14  14 

Minnesota    22  . .  22 

Mississippi   20  ..  20 

Missouri    36  14  22 

Montana 6  4  2 

Nebraska    16  14  2 

Nevada    6  6 

New  Hampshire   8  2  5 

New  Jersey   24  10  14 

New  York    78  71  7 

North  Carolina   24  12  12 

North  Dakota  8  . .  8 

Ohio    46  2  44 

Oregon    8  . .  8 

Pennsylvania    68  68 

Rhode  Island    8  8 

South   Carolina   18  9  9 

South  Dakota  8  ..  8 

Tennessee    24  17  7 

Texas    36  1  35 

Utah     6  1  5 

Vermont    8  8 

Virginia    24  24 

"Washington    10  . .  10 

West  Virginia   14  14 

Wisconsin    26  26 

Wyoming    6  1  5 

District  of  Columbia 2  2 

Alaska   6  6 

Arizona    6  6 

Indian  Territory 6  6 

New   Mexico   6  6 

Oklahoma    6  2  4 

•Hawaii    *6 

Philippine  Islands    2  2 

Porto   Rico    2  2 

Totals   994  495  490 

*This  Convention  only. 


132  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

So  Mr.  Bingham's  substitute  for  the  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Foraker 
was  agreed  to. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  upon  agreeing  to  the 
amendment  as  amended. 

The  amendment  as  amended  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  HENRY  H.  BINGHAM,  of  Pennsylvania. — I  call  for  a  vote  on  the  adop- 
tion of  the  report. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business  as  amended. 

The  report  as  amended  was  agreed  to. 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMITTEE  ON  RESOLUTIONS. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  business  in  order  is  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  Is  the  committee  ready  to  report? 

Mr.  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  of  Massachusetts,  rose. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  the  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts. 

Mr.  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  of  Massachusetts. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  in- 
structed by  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  to  make  the 
following  report: 

Fifty  years  ago  the  Republican  party  came  into  existence  dedicated  among 
other  purposes  to  the  great  task  of  arresting  the  extension  of  human  slavery. 
In  1860  it  elected  its  first  President.  During  twenty-four  of  the  forty-four 
years  which  have  elapsed  since  the  election  of  Lincoln  the  Republican  party 
has  held  complete  control  of  the  government.  For  eighteen  more  of  the 
forty-four  years  it  has  held  partial  control  through  the  possession  of  one 
or  two  branches  of  the  government,  while  the  Democratic  party  during  the 
same  period  has  had  complete  control  for  only  two  years.  This  long  tenure 
of  power  by  the  Republican  party  is  not  due  to  chance.  It  is  a  demonstra- 
tion that  the  Republican  party  has  commanded  the  confidence  of  the  Amer- 
ican people  for  nearly  two  generations  to  a  degree  never  equaled  in  our  his- 
tory, and  has  displayed  a  high  capacity  for  rule  and  government  which  has 
been  made  even  more  conspicuous  by  the  incapacity  and  infirmity  of  purpose 
shown  by  its  opponents. 

The  Republican  party  entered  upon  its  present  period  of  complete  su- 
premacy in  1897.  We  have  every  right  to  congratulate  ourselves  upon  the 
work  since  then  accomplished,  for  it  has  added  luster  even  to  the  traditions 
of  the  party  which  carried  the  government  through  the  storms  of  Civil  War. 

We  then  found  the  country  after  four  years  of  Democratic  rule  in  evil 
plight,  oppressed  with  misfortune  and  doubtful  of  the  future.  Public  credit 
had  been  lowered,  the  revenues  were  declining,  the  debt  was  growing,  the 
administration's  attitude  toward  Spain  was  feeble  and  mortifying,  and  stand- 
ard of  values  was  threatened  and  uncertain,  labor  was  unemployed,  busi- 
ness was  sunk  in  the  depression  which  had  succeeded  the  panic  of  1893,  hope 
was  faint  and  confidence  was  gone. 


HON.    HENRY    CABOT   LODGE,   of   Massachusetts, 
Who  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on   Resolutions. 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       133 

We  met  these  unhappy  conditions  vigorously,  effectively,  and  at  once. 
We  replaced  a  Democratic  tariff  law  based  on  free  trade  principles  and  gar- 
nished with  sectional  protection  by  a  consistent  protective  tariff;  and  indus- 
try, freed  from  oppression  and  stimulated  by  the  encouragement  of  wise  laws, 
has  expanded  to  a  degree  never  before  known,  has  conquered  new  markets, 
and  has  created  a  volume  of  exports  which  has  surpassed  imagination.  Un- 
der the  Dingley  tariff  labor  has  been  fully  employed,  wages  have  risen,  and  all 
industries  have  revived  and  prospered. 

We  firmly  established  the  gold  standard  which  was  then  menaced  with' 
destruction.  Confidence  returned  to  business,  and  with  confidence  an  unex- 
ampled prosperity. 

For  deficient  revenues,  supplemented  by  improvident  issues  of  bonds,  we 
gave  the  country  an  income  which  produced  a  large  surplus  and  which  en- 
abled us  only  four  years  after  the  Spanish  war  had  closed  to  remove  over 
one  hundred  millions  of  annual  war  taxes,  reduce  the  public  debt,  and  lower 
the  interest  charges  of  the  government. 

The  public  credit  which  had  been  so  lowered  that  in  time  of  peace  a 
Democratic  administration  made  large  loans  at  extravagant  rates  of  interest 
in  order  to  pay  current  expenditures,  rose  under  Republican  administration 
to  its  highest  point  and  enabled  us  to  borrow  at  2  per  cent  even  in  time  of 
war. 

We  refused  to  palter  longer  with  the  miseries  of  Cuba.  We  fought  a 
quick  and  victorious  war  with  Spain.  We  set  Cuba  free,  governed  the  island 
for  three  years,  and  then  gave  it  to  the  Cuban  people  with  order  restored, 
with  ample  revenues,  with  education  and  public  health  established,  free  from 
debt,  and  connected  with  the  United  States  by  wise  provisions  for  our 
mutual  interests. 

We  have  organized  the  government  of  Porto  Rico,  and  its  people  now 
enjoy  peace,  freedom,  order,  and  prosperity. 

In  the  Philippines  we  have  suppressed  insurrection,  established  order,  and 
given  to  life  and  property  a  security  never  known  there  before.  We  have 
organized  civil  government,  made  it  effective  and  strong  in  administration, 
and  have  conferred  upon  the  people  of  those  islands  the  largest  civil  liberty 
they  have  ever  enjoyed. 

By  our  possession  of  the  Philippines  we  were  enabled  to  take  prompt  and 
effective  action  in  the  relief  of  the  legations  at  Peking  and  a  decisive  part 
in  preventing  the  partition  and  preserving  the  integrity  of  China. 

The  possession  of  a  route  for  an  isthmian  canal,  so  long  the  dream  of 
American  statesmanship,  is  now  an  accomplished  fact.  The  great  work  of 
connecting  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  by  a  canal  is  at  last  begun,  and  it  is  due 
to  the  Republican  party. 

We  have  passed  laws  which  will  bring  the  arid  lands  of  the  United  States 
within  the  area  of  cultivation. 

We  have  reorganized  the  army  and  put  it  in  the  highest  state  of  efficiency. 

We  have  passed  laws  for  the  improvement  and  support  of  the  militia. 


134  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

We  have  pushed  forward  the  building  of  the  navy,  the  defense  and  protec- 
tion of  our  honor  and  our  interests. 

Our  administration  of  the  great  departments  of  the  government  has  been 
honest  and  efficient,  and  wherever  wrongdoing  has  been  discovered,  the  Re- 
publican administration  has  not  hesitated  to  probe  the  evil  and  bring  offend- 
ers to  justice  without  regard  to  party  or  political  ties. 

Laws  enacted  by  the  Republican  party  which  the  Democratic  party  failed 
to  enforce  and  which  were  intended  for  the  protection  of  the  public  against 
the  unjust  discrimination  or  the  illegal  encroachment  of  vast  aggregations 
of  capital,  have  been  fearlessly  enforced  by  a  Republican  President,  and  new 
laws  insuring  reasonable  publicity  as  to  the  operations  of  great  corporations, 
and  providing  additional  remedies  for  the  prevention  of  discrimination  in 
freight  rates,  have  been  passed  by  a  Republican  Congress. 

In  this  record  of  achievement  during  the  past  eight  years  may  be  read  the 
pledges  which  the  Republican  party  has  fulfilled.  We  promise  to  continue 
these  policies,  and  we  declare  our  constant  adherence  to  the  following  prin- 
ciples : 

Protection,  which  guards  and  develops  our  industries,  is  a  cardinal  policy 
of  the  Republican  party.  The  measure  of  protection  should  always  at  least 
equal  the  difference  in  the  cost  of  production  at  home  and  abroad.  We  insist 
upon  the  maintenance  of  the  principle  of  protection,  and,  therefore,  rates  of 
duty  should  be  readjusted  only  when  conditions  have  so  changed  that  the 
public  interest  demands  their  alteration,  but  this  work  cannot  safely  be  com- 
mitted to  any  other  hands  than  those  of  the  Republican  party.  To  intrust 
it  to  the  Democratic  party  is  to  invite  disaster.  Whether,  as  in  1892,  the 
Democratic  party  declares  the  protective  tariff  unconstitutional,  or  whether 
it  demands  tariff  reform  or  tariff  revision,  its  real  object  is  always  the 
destruction  of  the  protective  system.  However  specious  the  name,  the  pur- 
pose is  ever  the  same.  A  Democratic  tariff  has  always  been  followed  by 
business  adversity:  a  Republican  tariff  by  business  prosperity.  To  a  Repub- 
lican Congress  and  a  Republican  President  this  great  question  can  be  safely 
intrusted.  When  the  only  free  trade  country  among  the  great  nations  agitates 
a  return  to  protection  the  chief  protective  country  should  not  falter  in  main- 
taining it. 

We  have  extended  widely  our  foreign  markets,  and  we  believe  in  the  adop- 
tion of  all  practicable  methods  for  their  further  extension,  including  com- 
mercial reciprocity  wherever  reciprocal  arrangements  can  be  effected  con- 
sistent with  the  principles  of  protection  and  without  injury  to  American  ag- 
riculture, American  labor,  or  any  American  industry. 

We  believe  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  Republican  party  to  uphold  the  gold 
standard  and  the  integrity  and  value  of  our  national  currency.  The  main- 
tenance of  the  gold  standard,  established  by  the  Republican  party,  cannot 
safely  be  committed  to  the  Democratic  party,  which  resisted  its  adoption 
and  has  never  given  any  proof  since  that  time  of  belief  in  it  or  fidelity  to  it. 

While  every  other  industry  has  prospered  under  the  fostering  aid  of  Re- 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.        135 

publican  legislation,  American  shipping  engaged  in  foreign  trade  in  compe- 
tition with  the  low  cost  of  construction,  low  wages  and  heavy  subsidies  of 
foreign  governments,  has  not  for  many  years  received  from  the  government 
of  the  United  States  adequate  encouragement  of  any  kind.  We  therefore 
favor  legislation  which  will  encourage  and  build  up  the  American  merchant 
marine,  and  we  cordially  approve  the  legislation  of  the  last  Congress  which 
created  the  Merchant  Marine  Commission  to  investigate  and  report  upon  this 
subject. 

A  navy  powerful  enough  to  defend  the  United  States  against  any  attack,  to 
uphold  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  watch  over  our  commerce,  is  essential  to  the 
safety  and  the  welfare  of  the  American  people.  To  maintain  such  a  navy 
is  the  fixed  policy  of  the  Republican  party. 

We  cordially  approve  the  attitude  of  President  Roosevelt  and  Congress 
in  regard  to  the  exclusion  of  Chinese  labor,  and  promise  a  continuance  of 
the  Republican  policy  in  that  direction. 

The  civil  service  law  was  placed  on  the  statute  books  by  the  Republican 
party,  which  has  always  sustained  it,  and  we  renew  our  former  declarations 
that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and  honestly  enforced. 

We  are  always  mindful  of  the  country's  debt  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of 
the  United  States,  and  we  believe  in  making  ample  provision  for  them  and  in 
the  liberal  administration  of  the  pension  laws. 

We  favor  the  peaceful  settlement  of  international  differences  by  arbitra- 
tion. 

We  commend  the  vigorous  efforts  made  by  the  administration  to  protect 
American  citizens  in  foreign  lands,  and  pledge  ourselves  to  insist  upon  the 
just  and  equal  protection  of  all  our  citizens  abroad.  It  is  the  unquestioned 
duty  of  the  government  to  procure  for  all  our  citizens,  without  distinction, 
the  rights  of  travel  and  sojourn  in  friendly  countries,  and  we  declare  our- 
selves in  favor  of  all  proper  efforts  tending  to  that  end. 

Our  great  interests  and  our  growing  commerce  in  the  Orient  render  the 
condition  of  China  of  high  importance  to  the  United  States.  We  cordially 
commend  the  policy  pursued  in  that  direction  by  the  administrations  of  Pres- 
ident McKinley  and  President  Roosevelt. 

We  favor  such  Congressional  action  as  shall  determine  whether  by  special 
discriminations  the  elective  franchise  in  any  State  has  been  unconstitutionally 
limited,  and,  if  such  is  the  case,  we  demand  that  representation  in  Congress 
and  in  the  electoral  colleges  shall  be  proportionally  reduced  as  directed  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Combinations  of  capital  and  of  labor  are  the  results  of  the  economic 
movement  of  the  age,  but  neither  must  be  permitted  to  infringe  upon  the 
rights  and  interests  of  the  people.  Such  combinations,  when  lawfully  formed 
for  lawful  purposes,  are  alike  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  laws,  but 
both  are  subject  to  the  laws  and  neither  can  be  permitted  to  break  them. 

The  great  statesman  and  patriotic  American,  William  McKinley,  who  was 
re-elected  by  the  Republican  party  to  the  Presidency  four  years  ago,  was 


136  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

assassinated  just  at  the  threshold  of  his  second  term.  The  entire  nation 
mourned  his  untimely  death  and  did  that  justice  to  his  great  qualities  of 
mind  and  character  which  history  will  confirm  and  repeat. 

The  American  people  were  fortunate  in  his  successor,  to  whom  they  turned 
with  a  trust  and  confidence  which  have  been  fully  justified.  President  Roose- 
velt brought  to  the  great  responsibilities  thus  sadly  forced  upon  him  a  clear 
head,  a  brave  heart,  an  earnest  patriotism,  and  high  ideals  of  public  duty  and 
public  service.  True  to  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  and  to  the 
policies  which  that  party  had  declared,  he  has  also  shown  himself  ready  for 
every  emergency  and  has  met  new  and  vital  questions  with  ability  and  with 
success. 

The  confidence  of  the  people  in  his  justice,  inspired  by  his  public  career, 
enabled  him  to  render  personally  an  inestimable  service  to  the  country  by 
bringing  about  a  settlement  of  the  coal  strike,  which  threatened  such  disas- 
trous results  at  the  opening  of  winter  in  1002. 

Our  foreign  policy  under  his  administration  has  not  only  been  able,  vig- 
orous, and  dignified,  but  in  the  highest  degree  successful. 

The  complicated  questions  which  arose  in  Venezuela  were  settled  in  such 
a  way  by  President  Roosevelt  that  the  Monroe  doctrine  was  signally  vin- 
dicated and  the  cause  of  peace  and  arbitration  greatly  advanced. 

His  prompt  and  vigorous  action  in  Panama,  which  we  commend  in  the 
highest  terms,  not  only  secured  to  us  the  canal  route,  but  avoided  foreign 
complications  which  might  have  been  of  a  very  serious  character. 

He  has  continued  the  policy  of  President  McKinley  in  the  Orient,  and 
our  position  in  China,  signalized  by  our  recent  commercial  treaty  with  that 
empire,  has  never  been  so  high. 

He  secured  the  tribunal  by  which  the  vexed  and  perilous  question  of  the 
Alaskan  boundary  was  finally  settled. 

Whenever  crimes  against  humanity  have  been  perpetrated  which  have 
shocked  our  people,  his  protest  has  been  made,  and  our  good  offices  have  been 
tendered,  but  always  with  due  regard  to  international  obligations. 

Under  his  guidance  we  find  ourselves  at  peace  with  all  the  world,  and 
never  were  we  more  respected  or  our  wishes  more  regarded  by  foreign  na- 
tions. 

Pre-eminently  successful  in  regard  to  our  foreign  relations,  he  has  been 
equally  fortunate  in  dealing  with  domestic  questions.  The  country  has  known 
that  the  public  credit  and  the  national  currency  were  absolutely  safe  in  the 
hands  of  his  administration.  In  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  he  has  shown 
not  only  courage,  but  the  wisdom  which  understands  that  to  permit  laws 
to  be  violated  or  disregarded  opens  the  door  to  anarchy,  while  the  just  en- 
forcement of  the  law  is  the  soundest  conservatism.  He  has  held  firmly  to 
the  fundamental  American  doctrine  that  all  men  must  obey  the  law;  that 
there  must  be  no  distinction  between  rich  and  poor,  between  strong  and 
weak,  but  that  justice  and  equal  protection  under  the  law  must  be  secured 
to  every  citizen  without  regard  to  race,  creed,  or  condition. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      137 

His  administration  has  been  throughout  vigorous  and  honorable,  high- 
minded  and  patriotic.  We  commend  it  without  reservation  to  the  considerate 
judgment  of  the  American  people. 

(The  reading  of  the  report  was  received  with  great  applause.) 

Mr.  LODGE. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions  which  I  have  just  read. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

The  report  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 

ION  PERDICARIS. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — With  the  consent  of  the  convention  the 
Chair  will  direct  the  Clerk  to  read  a  dispatch  from  Washington,  which  has  been 
verified,  received  through  the  courtesy  of  the  Scripps-McRae  Newspaper 
Association. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

"The  following  message  was  sent  in  consequence  of  a  dispatch  received 
from  Admiral  Chadwick,  which  intimated  very  strongly  that  the  Moroccan 
government  was  not  acting  in  good  faith.  The  exact  hitch  in  the  negotia- 
tion has  not  been  made  public. 

"Bulletin. 

"Washington,  June  22. 

"Secretary  of  State  Hay  has  sent  instructions  to  Consul  General  Samuel 
R.  Gummer,  as  follows : 

"We  want  either  Perdicaris  alive  or  Raisuli  dead."     (Applause.) 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  order  of  business  is  the  calling 
of  the  roll  by  States  for  the  presentation  of  names  of  persons  chosen  mem- 
bers of  the  Republican  National  Committee,  and  also  for  the  presentation 
of  names  of  persons  chosen  honorary  Vice-Presidents.  The  Chair  is  in- 
formed that  the  Secretary  has  a  full  report  as  to  both  of  these  rolls,  and  if 
there  be  no  objection  he  will  read  the  same,  and  if  they  are  not  proper,  cor- 
rections can  be  made  as  they  are  read. 

The  Reading  Clerk  proceeded  to  read  the  list  of  names  presented  by  the 
various  delegations  for  members  of  the  Republican  National  Committee. 

Mr.  H.  W.  ROBINSON,  of  Louisiana  (when  the  nomination  of  Louisiana 
was  read). — Mr.  Chairman 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman  rise? 

Mr.  ROBINSON. — I  rise  to  make  a  correction  for  Louisiana. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  will  state  it. 

Mr.  ROBINSON. — We  ask  permission  to  withdraw  the  nomination  already 
made  by  us,  and  that  Louisiana  be  passed  until  tomorrow  morning. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Is  such  the  request  of  the  delegation?  If 
so,  in  the  absence  of  objection,  it  is  so  ordered. 

The  Reading  Clerk  concluded  the  reading  of  the  list,  which,  as  finally  made 
up,  is  as  follows : 


138  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 

GEORGE  B.  CORTELYOU,  New  York, 

Chairman. 

ELMER  DOVER,  Ohio, 
Secretary. 

CORNELIUS  BLISS,  New  York, 

Treasurer. 

WILLIAM  F.  STONE,  Maryland, 
Sergeant-at  Arms. 

State.  Name. 

Alabama CHAS.  H.  SCOTT 

Arkansas POWELL   CLAYTON 

California GEORGE  A.  KNIGHT 

Colorado A.  M.  STEVENSON 

Connecticut CHAS.  F.   BROOKER 

Delaware JOHN  EDWARD  ADDICKS 

Florida J.  N.   COOMBS 

Georgia JUDSON  W.  LYONS 

Idaho W.   B.   HEYBURN 

Illinois FRANK   O.    LOWDEN 

Indiana HARRY  S.  NEW 

Iowa ERNEST   E.   HART 

Kansas DAVID  W.   MULVANE 

Kentucky .JOHN  W.  YERKES 

Louisiana 

Maine JOHN   F.   HILL 

Maryland LOUIS  E.  McCOMAS 

Massachusetts W.  MURRAY  CRANE 

Michigan JOHN   W.    BLODGETT 

Minnesota FRANK  D.   KELLOGG 

Mississippi L.   B.   MOSELEY 

Missouri THOMAS  J.  AKIN 

Montana JOHN  D.  WAITS 

Nebraska CHAS.    H.    MORRILL 

Nevada PATRICK  L.  FLANIGAN 

New  Hampshire FRANK  S.  STREETER 

New  Jersey FRANKLIN   MURPHY 

New  York WM.  L.  WARD 

North  Carolina E.   C.   DUNCAN 

North  Dakota ALEXANDER  McKENZIE 

Ohio MYRON   T.   HERRICK 

Oregon CHAS.    H.    CAREY 

Pennsylvania BOIES  PENROSE 

Rhode  Island CHAS.  R.  BRAYTON 

South  Carolina JOHN  G.   CAPERS 

South  Dakota J.  M.  GREENE 

Tennessee WALTER  P.   BROWNLOW 

Texas CECIL  A.  LYON 

Utah C.   E.   LOOSE 

Vermont JAMES.  W.  BROCK 

Virginia GEORGE   E.    BOWDEN 

Washington LEVI  ANKENY 

West  Virginia N.  B.   SCOTT 

Wisconsin HENRY  C.    PAYNE 

Wyoming GEORGE   E.   PEXTON 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       139 

TERRITORIES,   ETC. 

Alaska JOHN  G.  HEID 

Arizona W.   S.   STURGES 

New  Mexico SOLOMON  LUNA 

Oklahoma C.  M.  CADE 

Indian  Territory P.    L.    SOPER 

District  of  Columbia ROBERT  REYBURN 

Hawaii A.  G.  M.  ROBERTSON 

Porto  Rico R.  H.  TODD 

Philippine  Islands HENRY  B.   McCOY 

HONORARY .  VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  now  read  the  list  of  hon- 
orary Vice-Presidents. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

States   or  Territories —  Name. 

Alabama J.   W.  HUGHES,   SR. 

Arkansas CHAS.   N.  RIX 

California E.   D.    ROBERTS 

Colorado JAMES  H.   PEABODY 

Connecticut DONALD   T.   WARNER 

Delaware JOHN  HUNN 

Florida WALTER  G.  ROBINSON 

Georgia J.  S.  GARRETT 

Idaho C.    J.    HALL 

Illinois CHARLES   H.   DEERE 

Indiana ISAAC  STRAUSS 

Iowa A.   B.   CUMMINS 

Kansas J.  H.   RICHARDS 

Kentucky HENRY  L.  STONE 

Louisiana B.    V.   BARANCO 

Maine ALBERT   A.    BURLEIGH 

Maryland STEVENSON  A.    WILLIAMS 

Massachusetts JOHN  D.  LONG 

Michigan DEXTER  M.  FERRY 

Minnesota C.   A.   SMITH 

Mississippi F.  W.   COLLINS 

Missouri WM.    WARNER 

Montana LEE  MANTLE 

Nebraska FRANK    HELVEY 

Nevada R.    S.    MEACHAM 

New  Hampshire BERTRAM    ELLIS 

New  Jersey DAVID    BAIRD 

New  York JOHN   RAINES 

North  Carolina T.   S.   ROLLINS 

North  Dakota L.    B.    HANNA 

Ohio J.    E.    LOWES 

Oregon C.    W.    HODSON 

Pennsylvania W.    W.    GRIEST 

Rhode  Island CHARLES  ALEXANDER 

South  Carolina L.  W.  C.  BLALOCK 

South  Dakota J.   R.   HUGHES 

Tennessee N.   W.   HALE 

Texas WEBSTER    FLANAGAN 

Utah HERSCHEL  BULLEN,  JR. 


140  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

States  or  Territories—  Name. 

Vermont HIRAM   N.    TURNER 

Virginia JOHN   ACKER 

Washington GEO.   DONALD 

West  Virginia C.  H.   SHATTUCK 

Wisconsin EMIL   BAENSCH 

Wyoming N.    K.   BOSWELL 

District  of  Columbia JOHN  F.  COOK 

Alaska W.  D.   GRANT 

Arizona W.   H.   BROPHY 

Indian  Territory WILLIAM  M.  MELLETTE 

New  Mexico FRANK  A.  HUBBELL 

Oklahoma JOHN  H.   COTTERAL 

Hawaii W.   H.   HOOGS 

Philippine  Islands J.  S.   STANLEY 

Porto  Rico 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 

Mr.  J.  H.  GALLINGER,  of  New  Hampshire. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  offer  a  res- 
olution for  the.  consideration  of  the  convention. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  New  Hampshire  sub- 
mits a  resolution  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Republican  National  Committee  be,  and  it  is  hereby, 
empowered  to  fill  all  vacancies  in  its  membership." 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  resolu- 
tion presented  by  the  gentleman  from  New  Hampshire. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr.  JOHN  KEAN,  of  New  Jersey. — I  move,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  con- 
vention adjourn  until  tomorrow  morning  at  10  o'clock. 

Mr.  GRAEME  STEWART,  of  Illinois. — I  second  the  motion. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the  motion 
of  the  gentleman  from  New  Jersey,  which  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  sec- 
onds, that  the  convention  adjourn  until  tomorrow  morning  at  10  o'clock. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  (at  3  o'clock  and  50  minutes  p.  m.)  the 
convention  adjourned  until  tomorrow,  Thursday,  June  23,  1904,  at  10  o'clock 
a.  m. 


THIRD  DAY 

ADDRESS  OF  HON.  FRANK  S.  BLACK,  NOMINATING  THEODORE 
ROOSEVELT  FOR  PRESIDENT— SECONDING  SPEECH  BY  HON. 
A.  J.  BEVERIDGE— HISTORIC  FLAG— OTHER  ADDRESSES  BY 
HON.  GEO.  A.  KNIGHT,  HON.  H.  S.  EDWARDS,  HON.  WM.  O. 
BRADLEY,  HON.  JOSEPH  B.  COTTON,  HON.  HARRY  S.  CUM- 
MINGS— ROOSEVELT  UNANIMOUSLY  NOMINATED— ADDRESS 
OF  HON.  J.  P.  DOLLIVER  NOMINATING  CHARLES  W.  FAIR- 
BANKS FOR  VICE  PRESIDENT— SECONDING  SPEECH  BY 
HON.  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW— OTHER  ADDRESSES  BY  HON. 
J.  B.  FORAKER,  HON.  S.  W.  PENNYPACKER,  HON.  THOMAS  H. 
CARTER— FAIRBANKS  UNANIMOUSLY  NOMINATED  FOR  VICE 
PRESIDENT— NOTIFICATION  COMMITTEES— RESOLUTIONS- 
ADJOURNMENT. 


CONVENTION  HALL 

THE  COLISEUM,  CHICAGO,  ILL.,  Thursday,  June  23,  1904. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (at  10  o'clock  and  30  minutes  a.  m.) — The 
convention  will  be  opened  with  prayer  by  Rev.  Thaddeus  A.  Snively. 

PRAYER  OF  REV.  THADDEUS  A.  SNIVELY. 

Rev.  THADDEUS  A.  SNIVELY,  of  Chicago,  111.,  offered  the  following  prayer: 
Almighty  God,  our  Heavenly  Father,  Infinite  and  Eternal,  Creator  and 
Preserver  of  all  mankind,  with  profound  reverence  we  acknowledge  Thee 
as  the  source  of  life  and  strength,  the  Giver  of  every  good  and  perfect  gift. 
Blessed  Lord,  we  pray  Thee  for  our  country,  the  dear  land  for  which  our 
fathers  fought  in  the  long  strife  for  human  liberty.  Tftou  hast  made  it  the 
land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave.  We  pray  so  to  guide  us  by  Thy 
power  and  wisdom  that  our  liberty  may  never  degenerate  into  license,  and 
that  our  people  may  be  brave,  not  simply  with  brute  courage  to  face  force  and 
violence,  but  with  the  higher  moral  power  which  makes  us  strong  to  battle 
for  truth  and  honor  and  noble  principle. 

We  beseech  Thee  to  give  to  our  whole  nation  the  strong  desire  and  pur- 
pose to  uphold  law  and  order  and  to  seek  noble  character  and  true  integrity 
as  the  most  sublime  achievements  of  the  race.  Grant,  we  pray  Thee,  that 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

the  benumbing  touch  of  material  possessions,  or  the  lust  of  power,  may  never 
blind  us  to  the  true  greatness  and  glory  of  moral  advancement.  Help  us 
ever  to  remember  that  the  fathers  of  this  government  were  patriots  of 
never-dying  fame  because  they  believed  that  poverty  and  defeat  with  unsul- 
lied honor  are  far  better  than  vast  wealth  and  world-wide  influence  purchased 
at  the  cost  of  shame.  We  beseech  Thee,  O  Thou  God  of  love  and  peace,  to 
keep  from  us  all  those  who  would  overthrow  the  old  standards  of  peace  and 
harmony  and  brotherhood;  and  grant  that  the  sense  of  true  brotherly  love 
and  mutual  respect  may  prevail  among  all  classes  and  conditions  of  our  peo- 
ple; that  peace  and  justice  may  be  our  aim  and  ambition  both  within  and 
beyond  our  borders. 

In  this  seedtime  of  the  year,  we  pray  to  bless  the  harvest.  May  abundant 
crops  be  the  reward  of  the  husbandmen,  whose  labors  make  possible  the 
feeding  of  the  vast  multitudes  of  Thy  children — abundant  increase  of  grain 
and  fruits  to  keep  in  busy  movement  the  mighty  engines  of  commerce  and 
the  looms  and  machines  of  human  industry — that  thus  hunger  and  idleness 
and  want  may  be  kept  far  away  from  our  people  and  prosperity  dwell  within 
our  country. 

Our  Heavenly  Father,  we  pray  Thee  to  send  Thy  blessing  upon  all  our 
country  and  all  our  people,  and  especially  upon  all  those  in  authority,  upon 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  upon  the  Governors  of  all  the  States, 
upon  the  Congress  of  the  Nation,  and  upon  the  Legislatures  of  the  different 
Commonwealths,  and  upon  all  who  occupy  places  of  trust  and  responsibility; 
that  they,  knowing  whose  ministers  they  are,  may  above  all  things  seek  Thy 
honor  and  glory. 

Upon  this  great  multitude  here  gathered,  we  ask  Thy  blessing.  Keep  before 
us,  we  pray  Thee,  high  motive  and  lofty  aim,  and  grant,  in  Thy  infinite  good- 
ness, that  this  convention  may  have  its  part  in  holding  aloft  the  highest  ideals 
and  most  glorious  standards  of  true  citizenship.  Wilt  Thou  so  direct  their 
deliberations  that  the  best  results  for  our  dear  country  may  be  advanced  by 
their  work,  that  thus  they  may  do  their  part  in  helping  to  the  ordering  and 
settling  of  all  things  upon  the  surest  foundations,  that  peace  and  happiness, 
truth  and  justice,  religion  and  piety,  may  be  established  among  us  for  all 
generations. 

Finally  we  pray  for  all  the  people  of  this  land,  that  Thou  wouldst  direct 
us,  O  Lord,  in  all  our  doings  with  Thy  most  gracious  favor  and  further  us 
with  Thy  continual  help ;  that  in  all  our  works  begun,  continued,  and  ended  in 
Thee,  we  may  glorify  Thy  Holy  Name,  and  finally,  by  Thy  mercy,  obtain 
everlasting  life,  through  Him  who  hast  taught  us  to  say — 

Our  Father,  Who  art  in  Heaven,  Hallowed  be  Thy  Name,  Thy  Kingdom 
come,  Thy  will  be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  in  Heaven.  Give  us  this  day  our 
daily  bread.  And  forgive  us  our  trespasses  as  we  forgive  those  who  trespass 
against  us.  And  lead  us  not  into  temptation,  but  deliver  us  from  evil : 
for  Thine  is  the  kingdom,  and  the  power,  and  the  glory,  forever  and  ever. 
Amen. 


HON.    FRANK    S.    BLACK,    of    New    York, 

Who  Made  the  Address  Placing  Theodore  Roosevelt  in   Nomination  for  the 

Presidency. 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       143 

FIFTIETH  ANNIVERSARY  OF  THE  BIRTH  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN 

PARTY. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  Clerk  will  read  an  announcement. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

"On  the  6th  day  of  July  at  Jackson,  Mich.,  will  be  celebrated  the  fiftieth 
anniversary  of  the  birth  of  the  Republican  party,  the  time  and  place  where 
it  received  its  name.  Secretary  Hay  will  deliver  the  principal  address  and 
Senator  Fairbanks  and  others  will  be  present  and  speak.  A  cordial  invita- 
tion is  extended  to  all." 

NOMINATION  OF  CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  business  in  order  is  the  calling 
of  the  roll  of  States  for  the  presentation  of  names  of  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  to  call  the  roll. 

Mr.  OSCAR  R.  HUNDLEY,  of  Alabama  (when  Alabama  was  called).— The 
State  of  Alabama  requests  the  privilege  and  the  distinguished  honor  of  yield- 
ing its  place  upon  the  call  to  the  State  of  New  York.  (Applause.) 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Alabama  yields  to  New  York. 

Mr.  Frank  S.  Black,  of  New  York,  was  escorted  to  the  platform. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — It  is  my  privilege  and  great  pleasure  to 
introduce  to  this  convention  my  ex-colleague  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
from  the  great  Empire  State,  one  cf  the  most  magnificent  orators,  and  a 
Republican  by  nature — ex-Governor  Black.  (Applause.) 

NOMINATING  SPEECH  OF  MR.  FRANK  S.  BLACK,  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Mr.  BLACK,  of  New  York. — Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion :  We  are  here  to  inaugurate  a  campaign  which  seems  already  to  be 
nearly  closed.  So  wisely  have  the  people  sowed  and  watched  and  tended, 
there  seems  little  now  to  do  but  to  measure  up  the  grain.  They  are  rang- 
ing themselves  not  for  battle  but  for  harvest.  In  one  column  reaching  from 
the  Maine  woods  to  the  Puget  Sound  are  those  people  and  those  states 
which  have  stood  so  long  together,  that  when  great  emergencies  arise  the 
nation  turns  instinctively  to  them.  In  this  column,  vast  and  solid,  is  a  ma- 
jority so  overwhelming  that  the  scattered  squads  in  opposition  can  hardly 
raise  another  army.  The  enemy  has  neither  guns  nor  ammunition,  and  if 
they  had  they  would  use  them  on  each  other.  (Applause.)  Destitute  of  the 
weapons  of  effective  warfare,  the  only  evidence  of  approaching  battle  is  in 
the  tone  and  number  of  their  bulletins.  There  is  discord  among  the  generals ; 
discord  among  the  soldiers.  Each  would  fight  in  his  own  way,  but  before  as- 
saulting his  Republican  adversaries  he  would  first  destroy  his  own  com- 
rades in  the  adjoining  tents.  Each  believes  the  weapons  chosen  by  the 
other  are  not  only  wicked  but  fatal  to  the  holder.  That  is  true.  This  is  the 
only  war  of  modern  times  where  the  boomerang  has  been  substituted  for  the 


144  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

gun.  (Laughter.)  Whatever  fatalities  may  occur,  however,  among  the  dis- 
cordant hosts  now  moving  on  St.  Louis,  no  harm  will  come  this  fall  to  the 
American  people.  There  will  be  no  opposition  sufficient  to  raise  a  conflict. 
There  will  be  hardly  enough  for  competition.  There  are  no  Democratic 
plans  for  the  conduct  of  the  fall  campaign.  Their  zeal  is  chiefly  centred 
in  discussion  as  to  what  Thomas  Jefferson  would  do  if  he  were  living. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  He  is  not  living,  and  but  few  of  his  descendants 
are  among  the  Democratic  remnants  of  to-day.  Whatever  of  patriotism  or 
wisdom  emanated  from  that  distinguished  man  is  now  represented  in  this 
convention.  (Applause.) 

It  is  a  sad  day  for  any  party  when  its  only  means  of  solving  living  issues 
is  by  guessing  at  the  possible  attitude  of  a  statesman  who  is  dead.  (Laugh- 
ter and  applause.)  This  condition  leaves  that  party  always  a  beginner  and 
makes  every  question  new.  The  Democratic  party  has  seldom  tried  a  prob- 
lem on  its  own  account,  and  when  it  has  its  blunders  have  been  its  only 
monuments,  its  courage  is  remembered  only  in  regret.  (Laughter  and  ap- 
plause.) As  long  as  these  things  are  recalled  that  party  may  serve  as  ballast, 
but  it  will  never  steer  the  ship.  (Applause.) 

When  all  the  people  have  forgotten  will  dawn  a  golden  era  for  this  new 
Democracy.  But  the  country  is  not  ready  yet  to  place  a  party  in  the  lead 
whose  most  expressive  motto  is  the  cheerless  word  "forget."  That  motto 
may  express  contrition,  but  it  does  not  inspire  hope.  (Applause.)  Neither 
confidence  nor  enthusiasm  will  ever  be  aroused  by  any  party  which  enters 
each  campaign  uttering  the  language  of  the  mourner.  (Applause.) 

There  is  one  fundamental  plank,  however,  on  which  the  two  great  parties 
are  in  full  agreement.  Both  believe  in  the  equality  of  men.  The  difference 
is  that  the  Democratic  party  would  make  every  man  as  low  as  the  poorest, 
while  the  Republican  party  would  make  every  man  as  high  as  the  best.  (Ap- 
plause.) But  the  Democratic  course  will  provoke  no  outside  interference 
now,  for  the  Republican  motto  is  that  of  the  great  commander,  ''never  in- 
terrupt the  enemy  while  he  is  making  a  mistake."  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

In  politics  as  in  other  fields,  the  most  impressive  arguments  spring  from 
contrast.  Never  has  there  been  a  more  striking  example  of  unity  than  is  now 
afforded  by  this  assemblage.  You  are  gathered  here  not  as  factions  torn  by 
discordant  views,  but  moved  by  one  desire  and  intent,  you  have  come  as  the 
chosen  representatives  of  the  most  enlightened  party  in  the  world.  You  meet 
not  as  strangers,  for  no  men  are  strangers  who  hold  the  same  beliefs  and 
espouse  the  same  cause.  You  may  separate  two  bodies  of  water  for  a  thou- 
sand years,  but  when  once  the  barrier  is  removed  they  mingle  instantly  and 
are  one.  The  same  traditions  inspire  and  the  same  purposes  actuate  us  all. 
Never  in  our  lives  did  these  purposes  stand  with  deeper  root  than  now.  At 
least  two  generations  have  passed  away  since  the  origin  of  that  great  move- 
ment from  which  sprang  the  spirit  which  has  been  the  leading  impulse  in 
American  politics  for  half  a  century.  In  that  movement,  which  was  both  a 
creation  and  an  example,  were  those  great  characters  which  endowed  the 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       145 

Republican  party  at  its  birth  with  the  attributes  of  justice,  equality  and  prog- 
ress, which  have  held  it  to  this  hour  in  line  with  the  highest  sentiments  of 
mankind.  From  these  men  we  have  inherited  the  desire,  and  to  their  memory 
we  owe  the  resolution,  that  those  great  schemes  of  government  and  humanity, 
inspired  by  their  patriotism,  and  established  by  their  blood,  shall  remain  as 
the  fixed  and  permanent  emblem  of  their  labors,  and  the  abiding  signal  of 
the  liberty  and  progress  of  the  race.  (Applause.) 

There  are  many  new  names  in  these  days,  but  the  Republican  party  needs 
no  new  title.  It  stands  now  where  it  stood  at  the  beginning.  Memory  alone 
is  needed  to  tell  the  source  from  which  the  inspirations  of  the  country  flow. 
A  drowsy  memory  would  be  as  guilty  now  as  a  sleeping  watchman  when 
the  enemy  is  astir.  The  name  of  the  Republican  party  stands  over  every  door 
where  a  righteous  cause  was  born.  Its  members  have  gathered  around  every 
movement,  no  matter  how  weak,  if  inspired  by  high  resolve.  Its  flag  for 
more  than  fifty  years  has  been  the  sign  of  hope  on  every  spot  where  liberty 
was  the  word.  (Applause.)  That  party  needs  no  new  name  or  platform 
to  designate  its  purposes.  It  is  now  as  it  has  been,  equipped,  militant  and  in 
motion.  The  problems  of  every  age  that  age  must  solve.  Great  causes 
impose  great  demands,  but  never  in  any  enterprise  have  the  American  people 
failed,  and  never  in  any  crisis  has  the  Republican  party  failed  to  express  the 
conscience  and  intelligence  of  that  people.  (Applause.) 

The  public  mind  is  awake  both  to  its  opportunities  and  its  dangers.  No- 
where in  the  world,  in  any  era,  did  citizenship  mean  more  than  it  means  to- 
day in  America.  Men  of  courage  and  sturdy  character  are  ranging  themselves 
together  with  a  unanimity  seldom  seen.  There  is  no  excuse  for  groping  in 
the  dark,  for  the  light  is  plain  to  him  who  will  but  raise  his  eyes.  The 
American  people  believe  in  a  man  or  party  that  has  convictions  and  knows 
why.  They  believe  that  what  experience  has  proved  it  is  idle  to  resist.  A 
wise  man  is  any  fool  about  to  die.  But  there  is  a  wisdom  which  with  good 
fortune  may  guide  the  living  and  the  strong.  That  wisdom  springs  from 
reason,  observation  and  experience.  Guided  by  these  this  thing  is  plain,  and 
young  men  may  rely  upon  it,  that  the  history  and  purposes  I  have  described, 
rising  even  to  the  essence  and  aspirations  of  patriotism,  find  their  best  con- 
crete example  in  the  career  and  doctrines  of  the  Republican  party.  (Applause.) 

But  not  alone  upon  the  principles  of  that  party  are  its  members  in  accord. 
With  the  same  devotion  which  has  marked  their  adherence  to  those  principles, 
magnificent  and  enduring  as  they  are,  they  have  already  singled  out  the 
man  to  bear  their  standard  and  to  lead  the  way.  No  higher  badge  was  ever 
yet  conferred.  But  great  as  the  honor  is,  the  circumstances  which  surround 
it  make  that  honor  even  more  profound.  You  have  come  from  every  state 
and  territory  in  this  vast  domain.  The  country  and  the  town  have  vied  with 
each  other  in  sending  here  their  contributions  to  this  splendid  throng.  Every 
highway  in  the  land  is  leading  here  and  crowded  with  the  members  of  that 
great  party  which  sees  in  this  splendid  city  the  symbol  of  its  rise  and  power. 
Within  this  unexampled  multitude  is  every  rank  and  condition  of  free  men, 
every  creed  and  occupation.  But  to-day  a  common  purpose  and  desire  have 


146  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

engaged  us  all,  and  from  every  nook  and  corner  of  the  country  rises  but  a 
single  choice  to  fill  the  most  exalted  office  in  the  world.  (Applause.)  He 
is  no  stranger  waiting  in  the  shade  to  be  called  suddenly  into  public  light. 
The  American  people  have  seen  him  for  many  years  and  always  where  the 
fight  was  thickest  and  the  greatest  need  was  felt.  He  has  been  alike  con- 
spicuous in  the  pursuits  of  peace  and  in  the  arduous  stress  of  war.  No  man 
now  living  will  forget  the  spring  of  '98,  when  the  American  mind  was  so 
inflamed  and  American  patriotism  so  aroused ;  when  among  all  the  eager 
citizens  surging  to  the  front  as  soldiers,  the  man  whom  this  convention  has 
already  in  its  heart  was  among  the  first  to  hear  the  call  and  answer  to  his 
name.  Preferring  peace  but  not  afraid  of  war;  faithful  to  every  private  obli- 
gation yet  first  to  volunteer  at  the  sign  of  national  peril ;  a  leader  in  civil 
life  and  yet  so  quick  to  comprehend  the  arts  of  war  that  he  grew  almost  in  a 
day  to  meet  the  high  exactions  of  command.  There  is  nothing  which  so 
tests  a  man  as  great  and  unexpected  danger.  He  may  pass  his  life  amid  ordi- 
nary scenes  and  what  he  is  or  does  but  few  will  ever  know.  But  when  the 
crash  comes  or  the  flames  break  out,  a  moment's  time  will  single  out  the  hero 
in  the  crowd.  A  flash  of  lightning  in  the  night  will  reveal  what  years  of 
daylight  have  not  discovered  to  the  eye.  And  so  the  flash  of  the  Spanish  War 
revealed  that  lofty  courage  and  devotion  which  the  American  heart  so  loves 
and  which  you  have  met  again  to  decorate  and  recognize.  His  qualities  do 
not  need  to  be  retold,  for  no  man  in  that  exalted  place  since  Lincoln  has  been 
better  known  in  every  household  in  the  land.  He  is  not  conservative,  if  con- 
servatism means  waiting  till  it  is  too  late.  (Applause.)  He  is  not  wise,  if 
wisdom  is  to  count  a  thing  a  hundred  times  when  once  will  do.  (Applause.) 
There  is  no  regret  so  keen,  in  man  or  country,  as  that  which  follows  an 
opportunity  unembraced.  Fortune  soars  with  high  and  rapid  wing,  and  who- 
ever brings  it  down  must  shoot  with  accuracy  and  speed.  Only  the  man  with 
steady  eye  and  nerve  and  the  courage  to  pull  the  trigger  brings  the  largest 
opportunities  to  the  ground.  (Applause.)  He  does  not  always  listen  while 
all  the  sages  speak,  but  every  day  at  nightfall  beholds  some  record  which  if 
not  complete  has  been  at  least  pursued  with  conscience  and  intrepid  resolu- 
tion. He  is  no  slender  flower  swaying  in  the  wind,  but  that  heroic  fibre  which 
is  best  nurtured  by  the  mountains  and  the  snow.  (Applause.)  He  spends 
little  time  in  review,  for  that  he  knows  can  be  done  by  the  schools.  A  states- 
man grappling  with  the  living  problems  of  the  hour  he  gropes  but  little  in  the 
past.  He  believes  in  going  ahead.  He  believes  that  in  shaping  the  destinies 
of  this  great  republic,  hope  is  a  higher  impulse  than  regret.  He  believes  that 
preparation  for  future  triumphs  is  a  more  important  duty  than  an  inventory 
of  past  mistakes.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  A  profound  student  of  history, 
he  is  to-day  the  greatest  history  maker  in  the  world.  (Applause.)  With 
the  instincts  of  the  scholar,  he  is  yet  forced  from  the  scholar's  pursuits  by 
those  superb  qualities  which  fit  him  to  the  last  degree  for  those  great  world 
currents  now  rushing  past  with  larger  volume  and  more  portentous  aspect 
than  for  many  years  before.  The  fate  of  nations  is  still  decided  by  their 
wars.  You  may  talk  of  orderly  tribunals  and  learned  referees ;  you  may 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       147 

sing  in  your  schools  the  gentle  praises  of  the  quiet  life ;  you  may  strike  from 
your  books  the  last  note  of  every  martial  anthem,  and  yet  out  in  the  smoke 
and  thunder  will  always  be  the  tramp  of  horses  and  the  silent,  rigid,  up- 
turned face.  Men  may  prophesy  and  women  pray,  but  peace  will  come  here 
to  abide  forever  on  this  earth  only  when  the  dreams  of  childhood  are  the 
accepted  charts  to  guide  the  destinies  of  men.  (Applause.)  Events  are 
numberless  and  mighty,  and  no  man  can  tell  which  wire  runs  around  the 
world.  The  nation  basking  to-day  in  the  quiet  of  contentment  and  repose 
may  still  be  on  the  deadly  circuit  and  to-morrow  writhing  in  the  toils  of  war. 
This  is  the  time  when  great  figures  must  be  kept  in  front.  If  the  pressure 
is  great  the  material  to  resist  it  must  be  granite  and  iron.  Whether  we  wish 
it  or  not,  America  is  abroad  in  this  world.  Her  interests  are  in  every  street, 
her  name  is  on  every  tongue.  Those  interests  so  sacred  and  stupendous 
should  be  trusted  only  to  the  care  of  those  whose  power,  skill  and  courage 
have  been  tested  and  approved.  (Applause.)  And  in  the  man  whom  you 
will  choose,  the  highest  sense  of  every  nation  in  the  world  beholds  a  man 
who  typifies  as  no  other  living  American  does,  the  spirit  and  the  purposes  of 
the  twentieth  century.  (Applause.)  He  does  not  claim  to  be  the  Solomon 
of  his  time.  There  are  many  things  he  may  not  know,  but  this  is  sure,  that 
above  all  things  else  he  stands  for  progress,  courage  and  fair  play,  which  are 
the  synonyms  of  the  American  name. 

There  are  times  when  great  fitness  is  hardly  less  than  destiny,  when  the 
elements  so  come  together  that  they  select  the  agent  thy  will  use.  Events 
sometimes  select  the  strongest  man,  as  lightning  goes  down  the  highest  rod. 
And  so  it  is  with  those  events  which  for  many  months  with  unerring  sight 
have  led  you  to  a  single  name  which  I  am  chosen  only  to  pronounce:  Gen- 
tlemen, I  nominate  for  President  of  the  United  States  the  highest  living  type 
of  the  youth,  the  vigor  and  the  promise  of  a  great  country  and  a  great  age, 
Theodore  Roosevelt  of  New  York.  (Applause.) 

A  HISTORIC  FLAG. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  read  an  announcement. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

"This  flag,  staff  and  all,  just  as  you  see  it,  save  the  wear  and  tear,  was 
carried  in  the  Republican  National  Convention  held  in  Chicago  in  1860,  and 
was  waved  at  the  moment  of  the  nomination  of  Abraham  Lincoln  for  Presi- 
dent, and  was  hoisted  on  the  platform  of  the  convention. 

"It  has  been  waved  in  every  Republican  National  Convention  since  1860 
at  the  moment  of  the  nomination  of  the  Republican  candidate  for  President. 
It  is  the  property  of  the  Lincoln-McKinley  Association  of  Veteran  Voters 
of  the  United  States. 

"Capt.  F.  L.  Withaupt,  of  Willow  Springs,  Mo.,  the  bearer  hereof,  who 
is  a  nephew  of  the  late  Judge  Arnold  Krekel,  who  was  a  delegate  to  the  Re- 
publican National  Convention  of  1860,  is  hereby  commissioned  to  carry  the 
priceless  gem  and  souvenir  to  the  Republican  National  Convention  to  be  held 
forty-four  years  after  in  the  same  city  on  June  21,  A.  D.  1904,  and  wave  it  at 


148  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

the  moment  of  time  the  nominee  shall  be  named  by  the  convention."  (Ap- 
plause.) 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (holding  the  flag  in  his  hand). — It  prophesied 
victory  in  1860 ;  its  like  has  been  baptized  on  a  hundred  battlefields  since ;  and 
it  is  as  safe  today  under  the  leadership  of  the  Republican  party,  headed 
by  Theodore  Roosevelt,  as  it  ever  was.  (Applause.) 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention :  I  have  the 
pleasure  of  introducing  to  you  a  man  whom  you  know  and  whom  all  know 
of,  one  of  Indiana's  favorite  and  favored  sons,  who  always  when  he  has  a 
message  insists  on  a  hearing,  and  in  the  hearing  the  people  are  gratified,  en- 
tertained, informed  and  enthused.  (Applause.) 

SECONDING    SPEECH    OF   MR.    ALBERT    J.    BEVERIDGE,    OF 

INDIANA. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention : — One  difference  between  the  opposition 
and  ourselves  is  this :  They  select  their  candidate  for  the  people,  and  the 
people  select  our  candidate  for  us.  (Cheers.) 

This  was  true  four  years  ago  when  we  accepted  the  people's  judgment  and 
named  William  McKinley  (applause),  whose  perfect  mingling  of  mind  and 
heart,  of  wisdom  and  of  tenderness,  won  the  trust  and  love  of  the  Nation 
then  and  makes  almost  holy  his  memory  now.  (Applause.)  His  power  was 
in  the  people's  favor,  his  shrine  is  in  the  people's  hearts.  (Applause.) 

It  is  true  today  when  we  again  accept  the  people's  judgment  and  name 
Theodore  Roosevelt  (cheers),  whose  sympathies  are  as  wide  as  the  Republic, 
whose  courage,  honesty  and  vision  meet  all  emergencies,  and  the  sum  of 
whose  qualities  make  him  the  type  of  2Oth  century  Americanism.  (Applause.) 
And  the  2Oth  century  American  is  nothing  more  than  the  man  of  '76  facing  a 
new  day  with  the  old  faith.  (Cheers.) 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  like  William  McKinley,  is  the  nominee  of  the 
American  fireside.  (Cheers.)  So  were  Washington  and  Jefferson  in  the 
early  time ;  so  was  Andrew  Jackson  when  he  said  "The  Union :  It  must  be 
preserved;"  so  was  Abraham  Lincoln  (applause)  when,  the  Republic  saved,  he 
bade  us  "bind  up  the  Nation's  wounds;"  and  Grant  (applause)  when,  from 
victory's  very  summit  his  lofty  words,  "let  us  have  peace"  voiced  the  spirit  of 
the  hour  and  the  people's  prayer.  When  nominated  by  parties,  each  of  these 
great  Presidents  was,  at  the  periods  named,  already  chosen  by  the  public 
judgment.  And  so  today,  the  Republican  party,  whose  strength  is  in  its 
obedience  to  the  will  of  the  American  people,  merely  executes  again  the 
decree  which  comes  to  it  from  the  American  home  in  naming  Theodore  Roose- 
velt as  our  candidate.  (Cheers.) 

The  people's  thought  is  his  thought,  American  ideals,  his  ideals.  This  is 
his  only  chart  of  statesmanship — and  no  other  is  safe.  (Applause.)  For  the 
truest  guide  an  American  President  can  have  is  the  collective  intelligence  and 
massed  morality  of  the  American  people.  (Applause.)  And  this  ancient 
rule  of  the  fathers  is  the  rule  of  our  leaders  now.  (Applause.) 


HON.    ALBERT    J.    BEVERIDGE.    of    Indiana, 

Who  Seconded  the  Nomination  of  Hon.   Theodore   Roosevelt  for  the 
Presidency. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       149 

Theodore  Roosevelt  is  a  leader  (applause)  who  leads  (applause)  ;  because 
he  carries  out  the  settled  purposes  of  the  people.  Our  President's  plans, 
when  achieved,  are  always  found  to  be  merely  the  nation's  will  accom- 
plished. And  that  is  why  the  people  will  elect  him. 

They  will  elect  him  because  they  know  that  if  he  is  President  we  will  get 
to  work  and  keep  at  work  on  the  Canal.  (Cheers.)  After  decades  of  delay 
when  the  people  want  a  thing  done,  they  want  it  done.  (Applause.) 

They  know  that  while  he  is  President  the  Flag  will  "stay  put"  (cheering), 
and  no  American  advantage  in  the  Pacific  or  the  world  be  surrendered. 
Americans  never  retreat.  (Cheers.) 

While  he  is  President  no  wrong-doer  in  the  service  of  the  Government 
will  go  unwhipped  of  justice.  (Applause.)  Americans  demand  honesty  and 
honor,  vigilant  and  fearless.  (Applause.) 

While  he  is  President,  re-adjustment  of  tariff  schedules  will  be  made  only 
in  harmony  with  the  principle  of  protection.  (Cheers.)  Americans  have 
memories.  (Applause.) 

While  he  is  President  peace  with  every  nation  will  be  preserved  at  any  cost, 
excepting  only  the  sacrifice  of  American  rights ;  and  the  vigor  with  which  he 
maintains  these  will  be  itself  a  guarantee  of  peace.  (Cheers.) 

The  American  people  will  elect  him  because,  in  a  word,  they  know  that  he 
does  things  the  people  want  done ;  does  things,  not  merely  discusses  them — 
does  things  only  after  discussing  them — but  does  things ;  and  does  only  those 
things  the  people  would  have  him  do.  (Applause.)  This  is  characteristically 
American;  for  wherever  he  is,  the  American  is  he  who  achieves.  (Cheers.) 

On  every  question  all  men  know  where  he  stands.  Americans,  frank  them- 
selves, demand  frankness  in  their  servants.  No  mystery  was  ever  made 
President  of  the  United  States,  or  ever  will  be.  (Great  cheering,  renewed.) 
Uncertainty  is  the  death  of  business.  The  people  can  always  get  along  if 
they  know  where  they  are  and  whither  they  are  going.  (Applause.) 

His  past  is  his  proof.  Every  great  measure  of  his  administration  was 
so  wise  that,  enthusiastically  sustained  by  his  own  party,  it  won  votes  even 
from  the  opposition. 

Do  you  name  Cuban  reciprocity?  The  opposition  resisted  and  then  oppo- 
sition votes  helped  to  ratify  it.  (Applause.) 

Do  you  name  corporate  legislation?  The  opposition  resisted  and  then 
opposition  votes  helped  to  enact  it.  (Applause.) 

Do  you  name  the  Canal — that  largest  work  of  centuries,  the  eternal  wed- 
ding of  oceans,  shrinking  the  circumference  of  the  globe,  making  distant 
peoples  neighbors,  advancing  forever  civilization  all  around  the  world?  This 
historic  undertaking  in  the  interest  of  all  the  race,  planned  by  American 
statesmanship,  to  be  wrought  by  American  hands,  to  stand  through  the  ages 
protected  by  the  American  flag  (cheers)  ;  this  vast  achievement  which  will 
endure  when  our  day  shall  have  become  ancient,  and  which  alone  is  enough 
to  make  the  name  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  illustrious  through  all  time — this 
fulfillment  of  the  Republic's  dream  accomplished  by  Republican  effort,  finally 
received  votes  even  from  an  opposition  that  had  tried  to  thwart  it.  (Cheers.) 


150  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Of  what  measure  of  Theodore  Roosevelt's  administration  does  the  oppo- 
sition dare  even  to  propose  the  repeal?  And  when  has  the  record  of  any 
President  won  greater  approval? 

And  so  the  people  trust  him  as  a  statesman.  (Applause.)  Better  than 
that,  they  love  him  as  a  man.  (Cheers.)  He  wins  admiration  in  vain  who 
wins  not  affection  also.  In  the  American  home — that  temple  of  happiness 
and  virtue  where  dwell  the  wives  and  mothers  of  the  Republic,  cherishing 
the  beautiful  in  life  and  guarding  the  morality  of  the  Nation — in  the 
American  home  the  name  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  is  not  only  honored  but 
beloved.  (Cheers.)  And  that  is  a  greater  triumph  than  the  victory  of  battle- 
fields, greater  credit  than  successful  statesmanship,  greater  honor  than  the 
Presidency  itself  would  be  without  it.  (Cheers.)  Life  holds  no  reward  so 
noble  as  the  confidence  and  love  of  the  American  people.  (Applause.) 

The  American  people !  The  mightiest  force  for  good  the  ages  have 
evolved.  (Cheers.)  They  began  as  children  of  liberty.  They  believed  in 
God  and  His  providence.  They  took  truth  and  justice  and  tolerance  as  their 
eternal  ideals  and  marched  fearlessly  forward.  Wildernesses  stretched  before 
them — they  subdued  them.  Mountains  rose — they  crossed  them.  Deserts  ob- 
structed— they  passed  them.  Their  faith  failed  them  not  and  a  continent  was 
theirs.  (Applause.)  From  ocean  to  ocean  cities  rose,  fields  blossomed,  rail- 
roads ran;  but  everywhere  church  and  school  were  permanent  proof  that 
the  principles  of  their  origin  were  the  life  of  their  maturity.  (Cheers.) 

American  methods  changed,  but  American  character  remained  the  same. 
They  outlived  the  stage  coach,  but  not  the  Bible.  (Applause.)  They 
advanced  but  forgot  not  their  fathers.  Applause.)  They  delved  in  earth, 
but  remembered  the  higher  things.  (Applause.)  They  made  highways  of 
the  oceans,  but  distance  and  climate  altered  not  their  Americanism.  (Ap- 
plause.) They  began  as1  children  of  liberty,  and  children  of  liberty  they  re- 
main. They  began  as  servants  of  the  Father  of  Lights,  and  His  servants  they 
remain.  And  so  into  their  hands  is  daily  given  more  of  power  and  oppor- 
tunity that  they  may  work  even  larger  righteousness  in  the  world  and  scatter 
over  ever  widening  fields  the  blessed  seeds  of  human  happiness.  (Cheers.) 

Wonderful  beyond  prophecy's  forecast  their  progress ;  noble  beyond  the 
vision  of  desire  their  future.  In  1801  Jefferson  said  that  the  United  States 
(then)  had  "room  enough  for  our  descendants  to  the  thousandth  and  thou- 
sandth generation ;"  three  generations  behold  the  oceans  our  boundaries. 
(Cheers.)  Washington  never  dreamed  of  railways.  Today  electricity  and 
steam  make  Maine  and  California  household  neighbors.  '(Applause.)  This 
advance,  which  no  seer  could  have  foretold,  we  made  because  we  are 
Americans — because  a  free  people  with  unfettered  minds  and  unquestioning 
belief  joyfully  faced  the  universe  of  human  possibilities.  (Applause.)  These 
possibilities  are  not  exhausted ;  we  have  hardly  passed  their  boundaries.  (Ap- 
plause.) The  American  people  are  not  exhausted;  we  have  only  tested  our 
strength.  (Applause.)  God's  work  for  us  in  the  world  is  not  finished;  His 
future  missions  for  the  American  people  will  be  grander  than  any  He  has 
given  us,  nobler  than  we  now  can  comprehend.  And  these  tasks  as  they  come 


HON.   GEORGE  W.    KNIGHT,  of  California, 
Who    Seconded    the    Nomination    of    Hon.    Theodore    Roosevelt    for    President. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.        151 

we  will  accept  and  accomplish  as  our  fathers  accomplished  theirs.  (Ap- 
plause.) And  when  our  generation  shall  have  passed  and  our  children  shall 
catch  from  our  aging  hands  the  standard  we  have  borne,  it  will  still  be  the 
old  flag  of  Yorktown  and  Appomattox  and  Manila  Bay  (cheers)  ;  the 
music  to  which  they  in  their  turn  will  then  move  onward  will  still  be  the 
strains  that  cheered  the  dying  Warren  on  Bunker  Hill  and  inspired  the  men 
who  answered  Lincoln's  call  (cheers)  ;  and  the  ideals  that  will  be  in  them 
triumphant  as  they  are  in  us,  will  still  be  the  old  ideals  that  have  made  the 
American  people  great  and  honored  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  (Cheers). 
This  is  the  Republican  idea  of  the  American  people  (cheers)  ;  this  the 
thought  we  have  when  we  nominate  today  our  candidate  for  the  Nation's 
chief;  this  the  quality  of  Americanism  a  Republican  standard-bearer  must 
possess.  (Applause.)  And  this  is  just  the  Americanism  of  Theodore  Roose- 
velt. (Cheers.)  Full  of  the  old-time  faith  in  the  Republic  and  its  destiny; 
charged  with  the  energy  of  the  Republic's  full  manhood ;  cherishing  the  ordi- 
nances of  the  Republic's  fathers  and  having  in  his  heart  the  fear  of  God ; 
inspired  by  the  sure  knowledge  that  the  Republic's  splendid  day  is  only  in  its 
dawn.  (Applause.)  Theodore  Roosevelt  will  lead  the  American  people  in 
paths  of  safety  to  still  greater  welfare  for  themselves,  still  broader  better- 
ment of  the  race  and  to  the  added  honor  of  the  American  name.  (Cheers.) 
Indiana  seconds  the  nomination  of  Theodore  Roosevelt.  (Demonstration, 
etc.) 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  GEORGE  A.  KNIGHT,  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — We  will  now  receive  a  message  from  the 
Golden  Gate,  delivered  by  that  great  civilian,  lawyer  and  orator,  whose  speech 
is  "like  apples  of  gold  in  pictures  of  silver." 

Mr.  KNIGHT. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  Geography  has  but  little  to 
do  with  the  sentiment  and  enthusiasm  that  are  today  apparent  in  favor  of  the 
one  who  is  to  be  given  all  the  honors  and  duties  of  an  elected  President  of 
the  United  States  of  America.  However  the  Pacific  slope  and  the  islands 
(those  ocean  buoys  of  commerce  moored  in  the  drowsy  tropical  sea)  send  to 
this  Convention  words  of  confident  greeting  with  discreet  assurance  that  your 
judgment  will  be  endorsed  by  the  American  voter  and  our  country  continue 
its  wonderful  progress  under  Republican  success. 

The  time  is  ripe  for  brightening  up  Americanism ;  to  teach  with  renewed 
vigor  the  principles  of  individual  liberty  for  which  the  minute  men  of  the 
Revolution  fought.  The  Lincoln  liberty,  and  individual  liberty  for  the  man, 
not  a  black  man  alone,  any  man,  all  men.  The  right  to  labor  in  the  air 
of  freedom  unmolested,  and  be  paid  for  his  individual  toil  and  with  it  build 
his  cottage  home. 

From  the  press,  the  pulpit,  the  school  house,  the  platform  and  the  street, 
let  the  true  history  of  our  country  be  known,  that  the  young  men  and  women 
of  America,  and  many  old  ones,  may  know  what  a  price  has  been  paid  for  the 
liberty,  peace  and  union  they  enjoy  through  the  devoted  patriotism  of  our 


152  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

silent  heroes  of  the  past.  (Applause.)  Deprivation  and  sacrifice  were 
endured  for  many  years  before  the  old  bell  in  the  statehouse  was  given  voice 
to  speak  the  glorious  sentiment  of  the  age,  and  proclaim  liberty  throughout  all 
the  land,  and  they  were  made  the  instruments  by  which  the  principles  produc- 
tive of  our  national  grandeur  were  set  as  jewels  in  our  Republic's  coronet. 
What  we  prayed  for,  fought  for,  bled  for  and  died  for  we  want  cared  for. 
(Applause.) 

Telegraph  the  world  that  the  Republican  party  was  the  first  organization 
that  beckoned  the  laboring  man  to  his  feet,  and  made  him  know  the  quality 
and  equality  of  his  true  self.  (Applause.)  It  showed  him  the  possibilities 
of  honest  poverty  and  has  withheld  nothing  from  his  worthy  ambition.  It 
took  a  railsplitter  from  the  ground  floor  of  a  log  cabin  and  set  him  with  the 
stars. 

Protection  to  American  labor,  and  our  natural  resources,  climate,  soil, 
agricultural  and  mineral  wealth,  navigable  rivers  and  safe  harbors,  wise  laws 
and  clean  public  men,  have  made  us  the  greatest  nation  of  earth  today.  In 
territory,  we  have  outgrown  the  Continent ;  we  are  peopling  the  isles  of  the 
sea. 

When  I  look  over  this  Convention  and  see  representatives  from  Alaska 
carrying  as  their  banner  an  American  Eagle  it  brings  to  my  mind  the  words 
of  sacred  writ  that  seem  prophetic :  "A  great  eagle  with  great  wings,  long 
winged,  full  of  feathers,  which  had  divers  colors,  came  unto  Lebanon,  and 
took  the  highest  branch  of  the  cedar.  He  cropped  off  the  top  of  his  young 
twigs  and  carried  it  into  a  land  of  traffic ;  he  set  it  in  a  city  of  merchants.  He 
took  also  of  the  seed  of  the  land  and  planted  it  in  a  fruitful  field ;  he  placed  it 
by  great  waters  and  set  it  as  a  willow  tree." 

How  like  unto  our  emblem  of  freedom,  he  has  cropped  off  the  young 
twigs  of  our  cedar  of  liberty  and  carried  them  across  the  ocean  to  the  land 
of  traffic  and  set  them  in  the  city  of  merchants.  The  seed  of  our  land  is 
there  among  fruitful  fields,  beside  great  waters  and  set  as  a  willow  tree. 

With  our  growth  as  a  nation  we  are  satisfied — but  there  are  some  things 
that  require  more  than  a  passing  glance.  Far  back  in  the  time  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary War  when  the  dark  clouds  of  oppression  and  losses  in  battle  seemed 
to  shut  out  the  last  glimmering  spark  of  day,  upon  the  bold  prominent  height 
of  the  White,  Allegheny  and  Blue  Ridge  Mountains  could  be  found  standing 
alone  the  Patriot  Beacon  Watch  of  the  Revolution,  while  our  armies  slept 
under  the  darkness — he  kept  watch  and  from  crag  to  crag  and  peak  to  peak 
his  watch  fire  was  a  signal  to  warn  the  sleeping  army  of  approaching  danger, 
and  from  every  mountain  top  within  the  thirteen  colonies  those  patriots' 
watch  fires  lighted  up  the  dark  pathway  of  their  future  destiny. 

While  today  we  struggle  not  with  an  obstinate  soldiery,  nor  hear  the  ex- 
citing drum  beat  of  war,  dark  clouds  of  a  social  disorder  have  settled  over  a 
portion  of  our  beloved  country.  The  poisonous  virus  of  Socialism  is  among 
us,  and  the  vicious  anarchist  seeks  to  lead  his  fellow  by  the  torch  of  the 
incendiary.  Three  times  our  flag  has  drooped ;  three  times  the  muffled  drum 
was  heard. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.        153 

Socialism  can  never  live  in  this  Republic  (applause),  and  the  anarchist  has 
no  home  with  us ;  he  must  put  out  the  torch,  for  standing  upon  the  mountain 
top  of  our  historic  past,  the  beacon  watches  of  old  signal  to  us  to  follow  their 
light  and  fear  not — follow  the  light  of  a  Washington  for  its  purity  of  pur- 
pose— follow  the  light  of  Jefferson  and  Seward  and  Sherman  and  Lincoln, 
Grant  and  McKinley,  and  all  the  other  great  ones  who  built  for  us  this 
perament  home. 

Our  country  is  big  and  broad  and  grand ;  we  want  a  President  typical  of 
the  country,  one  who  will  preserve  her  history,  enforce  her  law,  teach 
Americanism  and  fight  the  wrong.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  "thou  art  the  man!" 
(Applause.)  Well  may  he  be  proud, — he  is  young,  the  prime  of  life  is  his, 
and  time  is  on  his  side ;  he  loves  the  whole  country  and  knows  no  favorite 
section ;  he  has  performed  his  sacred  promise,  he  has  kept  the  faith  with 
McKinley's  memory  and  now  faces  responsibilities  his  own.  He  hypnotizes 
obstacles,  looks  them  in  the  eye,  and  overpowers  with  self-conscious  honesty 
of  purpose.  (Applause.) 

Dishonesty,  cowardice  and  duplicity  are  never  impulsive ;  Roosevelt  is 
impulsive  (applause),  so  be  it, — he  is  different.  The  party  needs  him  more 
than  he  needs  the  party. 

From  a  Democratic  point  of  view,  he  is  a  weird  magician  of  politics. 
They  charged  him  with  disrupting  a  government  on  the  Isthmus,  creating  a 
republic  and  unlawfully  conniving  at  a  canal.  (Laughter.)  They  awoke  one 
fine  morning  to  find  the  Republic  of  Panama  an  entity,  its  existence  recognized 
by  foreign  nations  and  Congress  paying  out  millions  of  dollars  to  ratify  his 
strategetic  promptness.  (Applause.) 

He  wanted  to  give  Uncle  Sam  a  job,  and  he  did  it ;  and  Uncle  Sam  wanted 
the  job  and  he  took  it.  He  belongs  to  the  union.  We  see  him  standing  today 
with  his  foot  upon  the  spade,  his  garments  are  made  of  his  flag,  there  is  a 
smile  on  his  face,  and  his  heart  is  gladdened  as  he  looks  at  the  golden 
sunrise  of  his  commercial  future. 

Barnacle  bottomed  ships  of  the  great  salt  sea  will  greet  the  Great  Father 
of  Waters  and  make  every  town  on  his  banks  a  maritime  city.  (Applause.) 
The  owner  of  the  farm,  factory,  and  mine  will  become  familiar  with  names 
he  never  knew,  and  write  strange  addresses  on  the  exports  he  sends  across 
the  unharvested  ocean.  Australia — New  Zealand — Yokohoma — Hong  Kong — 
Manila — Honolulu  and  Corea,  will  be  some  of  the  new  names  the  new  South 
will  be  glad  to  know,  and  their  children  will  bless  the  President  that  gave 
them  their  wonderful  opportunities  for  trade. 

The  blessings  of  this  great  work  cannot  be  told  in  words,  and  figures  will 
get  wabbily  and  unsteady  with  their  load  when  you  chalk  them  on  the  black- 
board of  time. 

We  want  this  younger  Lincoln — the  Keeper  of  our  great  eagle — we  want 
him  with  his  hands  on  the  halyards  of  our  flag,  we  want  him  the  Defender  of 
our  Constitution  and  the  Executive  of  our  Law,  and  when  we  have  used 
him  and  the  best  years  of  his  young  manhood  for  the  good  of  the  nation,  he 
will  still  be  holding  the  banner  of  liberty  with  stars  added  to  its  azure  field, 


154  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

its  history  sacred,  its  stripes  untarnished,  and  by  command  of  the  majority 
hand  it  to  the  American  partiot  standing  next  in  line.     (Applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  H.  S.   EDWARDS,   OF  GEORGIA. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  it  is  a  com- 
paratively easy  matter  to  keep  the  Republican  faith  in  the  State  of  Illinois 
where  we  have  local  success.  The  policies  of  the  party  spread  over  the 
whole  country,  bringing  prosperity  to  those  who  do  not  support  us  politically 
as  well  as  to  those  who  do.  It  is  my  great  pleasure  to  introduce  to  you  one 
of  those  who  come  from  the  State  of  Georgia,  that  keep  the  leaven  and 
fight  the  fight,  although  from  time  to  time  they  fail.  But  they  will  live,  and 
even  these  old  eyes  will  live,  to  see  Georgia  give  an  electoral  vote  for  a 
Republican  President.  (Applause.) 

MR.  EDWARDS. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  It  is 
eminently  fit  and  proper  that  a  Georgian  should  on  this  occasion  second  the 
eloquent  speaker  from  New  York,  that  the  voice  of  the  Motherland  should 
blend  with  the  voice  of  the  Fatherland  to  declare  that  the  destinies  of 
America  shall  for  four  years  more  be  entrusted  to  the  great  son  born  of  the 
union  of  the  two  Empire  states.  (Applause.) 

I  do  not  belittle  the  influence  of  a  father  when  I  say  that  if  the  iron  in 
a  son's  nature  be  derived  from  him,  the  gold  is  coined  from  the  heart  of  the 
mother  whose  lap  has  cradled  him.  And  because  I  believe  this,  because  the 
lesson  at  the  mother's  knee  is  the  seed  that  sends  a  stalk  toward  heaven  and 
opens  far  up  its  axillary  blossoms  in  the  morning  light,  because  the  lofty 
ideals  of  manhood  are  rooted  deeper  than  youth,  because  that  which  a  man 
instinctively  would  be  has  been  dreamed  for  him  in  advance  by  a  Mother, 
I  claim  for  Georgia  the  larger  share  in  the  man  you  have  chosen  your  leader. 
(Applause.) 

The  childhood  of  the  good  woman  who  bore  him  was  cast  near  where  the 
Atlantic  flows  in  over  the  marsh  and  the  sand.  There  she  first  built  her  a 
home  in  the  greatness  of  God.  Womanhood  found  her  within  the  uplifting 
view  of  the  mountains  in  a  land  over  which  the  Almighty  inverts  a  Sapphire 
cup  by  day  and  sets  his  brightest  stars  on  guard  by  night.  And  there, 
fellow  countrymen,  the  soul  of  your  President  was  born.  Those  of  us  who 
know  and  love  him  catch  in  the  easy  flow  of  his  utterance,  and  feel  in  its 
largeness  of  thought  and  contempt  of  littleness  the  rythm  of  the  ocean  on 
the  Georgian  sands  and  the  spirit  of  the  deep.  In  his  lofty  ideals  and  hope- 
fulness, in  his  fixedness  of  purpose  and  unchanging  rockribbed  honesty  we 
hear  the  mountains  calling.  In  his  daring,  his  impulsive  courage,  his  uncon- 
querable manhood,  we  see  his  great  brother  the  Georgia  volunteer  in  the 
hand  to  hand  fights  of  the  Wilderness,  the  impetuous  rush  up  the  heights  of 
Gettysburg  and  the  defiance  of  overwhelming  odds  from  Chattanooga  to 
Atlanta.  We  look  on  him  as  a  Georgian  abroad,  and  if  in  the  providence  of 
God  it  may  be  so  we  shall  welcome  him  home  some  day,  not  as  a  prodigal 
son  who  has  wasted  his  gifts  but  as  one  who  on  every  field  of  endeavor  has 
honored  his  great  mother  and  worn  the  victor's  wreath.  (Applause.) 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       155 

Coming  into  the  position  of  the  martyred  McKinley,  the  youngest  Chief 
Magistrate  that  has  ever  filled  the  Presidential  chair,  without  the  privilege 
and  advantage  of  preliminary  discussion  and  consultation,  he  gave  the  coun- 
try a  pledge  that  he  would  carry  out  the  policies  of  his  predecessor.  It  was 
a  master  stroke  of  genius,  applauded  alike  North  and  South.  His  conception 
of  the  duties  of  his  high  office  as  enunciated  by  him  at  Harvard  was,  "to 
serve  all  alike,  well:  to  act  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  and  justice  to  all  men;  and 
to  give  to  each  man  his  rights."  He  has  kept  this  pledge;  he  has  lived  up  to 
this  fine  conception  of  his  duty.  The  pledge  involved  a  completion  of  the 
work  begun  in  Cuba  and  an  honorable  discharge  of  the  promises  made  to  our 
struggling  neighbor.  The  flag  of  an  independent  Republic  floats  over  Havana 
today  and  all  men  know  that  we  have  kept  faith  with  the  Cuban  people. 
Leaving  the  details  to  engineers,  he  has  cut  as  by  a  single  stroke,  the  Panama 
Canal  through  mountains  of  prejudice  and  centuries  of  ignorance!  In  the  far 
Philippines  our  flag  floats,  a  guarantee  of  redemption,  pacification  and  de- 
velopment. His  conception  of  duty  has  led  him  into  difficult  places  in 
dealing  with  the  internal  affairs  of  our  own  country;  he  has  met  every  issue 
bravely  and  ably  and  demonstrated  not  only  that  prompt  and  decisive  action  is 
often  the  highest  expression  of  conservatism  but  that  it  is  safe  to  trust  the 
impulse  of  a  man  who  is  essentially  and  instinctively  honest.  (Applause.) 

Fellow  Countrymen,  after  nearly  four  years  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  we 
find  the  army  and  navy  on  a  better  footing,  our  trade  expanded,  the  country 
at  peace  and  prosperous  and  our  flag  respected  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe. 
The  American  people  will  not  withhold  from  him  the  applause  of  manly 
hearts.  I  am  proud  that  my  great  State,  the  Empire  state  of  the  South, 
shares  in  the  glory  of  his  achievements,  as  it  will  share  in  their  benefits ! 
(Applause.) 

It  is  not  pretended  that  the  section  from  which  I  come  to  you,  is,  as 
a  section  in  sympathy  with  your  political  party.  But  I  am  as  sure  as  that 
I  stand  here,  that  the  great  majority  of  intelligent  business  men  in  the  South 
are  in  sympathy  with  the  controlling  principles  of  your  platform  and  op- 
posed to  those  of  your  opponents  as  last  declared.  And  I  am  equally  sure 
that  they  recognize  and  respect  the  fearless  honesty  of  your  leader!  Head- 
lines are  not  history,  nor  does  the  passionate  partisan  write  the  final  verdict 
of  a  great  people.  History,  despite  the  venom  of  the  small  politician,  will  do 
him  the  justice  to  record  that  he  has  gone  further  than  any  man  who  has 
occupied  the  White  House  since  the  civil  war,  to  further  the  vital  interests  of 
the  South.  The  standard  of  appointments  has  been  the  same  for  Georgia  as 
for  New  York.  He  has  insisted  on  efficiency  and  integrity  as  the  chief 
tests,  North  and  South  alike.  Of  the  thousand  or  more  original  post  office 
appointments  in  Georgia  under  his  administration  not  one  has  within  my 
knowledge  been  criticized  by  even  the  unfriendly  and  partisan  press  of  the 
State.  A  Southern  man,  General  Wright,  by  his  appointment  holds  the 
honor  of  this  country  in  trust  in  the  far  Philippines,  and  on  him  your  Presi- 
dent relies  for  the  advancement  and  development  of  the  7,000,000  people  who 
are  there  working  out  their  destinies.  Two  judges  of  first  instance,  one  a 


156  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Democrat  and  one  a  Republican  and  both  from  Georgia,  are  there  by  his 
appointment  to  administer  the  laws.  In  the  army  there  and  here  in  the  navy 
and  in  all  the  divisions  of  the  civil  government  Southern  men  have  felt 
the  friendly  touch  of  his  hand.  The  character  of  these  appointments  and  his 
whole  policy  give  the  lie  to  those  designing  knaves  who  charge  him  with 
stirring  up  strife  between  races  and  arraying  section  against  section.  "I  am 
proud  of  your  great  deeds:  for  you  are  my  people!''  This  was  his  greeting  to 
a  Southern  audience,  and  no  honest  man  doubts  that  he  meant  it.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

The  South  shares  in  the  magnificent  prosperity  which  our  great  country 
has  achieved  under  the  Republican  party.  Especially  has  she  felt  the  benefi- 
cent effect  of  your  policies  during  the  last  eight  years ;  and  the  hardest  fact 
your  opponents  have  to  contend  with  is  the  fact  that  your  financial  policy 
has  been  tested  and  found  to  be  sound  and  efficient.  They  have  sufficed  for 
eight  years  at  least,  and  the  Democratic  partisan  who  has  twice  in  that  time 
been  led  captive  behind  the  silver  car  of  Bryan  must  be  optimistic  beyond 
expression  if  he  believes  that  the  country  will  suffer  alarm  over  the  prospect 
of  four  years  more  of  prosperity.  The  South  deals  in  cotton  goods,  cotton 
seed  products,  coal,  iron,  oil  and  lumber,  and  business  enterprises  in  connec- 
tion with  these  and  other  industries  have  increased  and  multiplied.  Traveling 
from  Washington  to  Macon,  one  is  never  off  a  first  class  railroad  nor  long 
out  of  sight  of  the  smoke  of  a  mill.  The  people  who  conduct  these  and 
kindred  enterprises,  who  are  raising  cotton  at  from  ten  to  sixteen  cents  per 
pound,  wheat  at  from  seventy-five  cents  to  a  dollar  per  bushel,  whose  coal, 
iron  and  lumber  are  in  demand  throughout  the  world,  whose  home  market  is 
assured  and  whose  lands  are  rapidly  increasing  in  value,  are  not  yet  alarmed 
over  the  prospect  of  another  Republican  victory,  under  Roosevelt.  They  are 
not  alarmed  over  the  digging  of  a  canal  at  Panama  that  will  give  them  direct 
communication  with  five  or  six  hundred  millions  of  people  who  need  the 
products  of  their  fields  and  factories.  Nor  are  they  alarmed  that  increased 
railway  and  river  transportation  will  be  required  to  move  these  products  to 
Southern  ports,  or  that  from  these  ports,  under  a  Republican  administration, 
yellow  fever,  the  South's  dread  enemy  has  been  banished,  millions  saved  an- 
nually to  the  taxpayers  and  the  business  year  raised  from  nine  months  to 
twelve. 

The  prosperity  of  the  South  is  wrapped  up  in  the  policies  of  the  Republi- 
can party  and  Southern  people  are  beginning  to  realize  it.  Southern  business 
sentiment  indicates  an  increasing  distrust  of  the  policies  of  the  Democratic 
party.  In  1896  Georgia,  accustomed  to  enormous  Democratic  majorities,  gave 
94,000  votes  for  Bryan  and  60,000  for  McKinley.  North  Carolina  cast  174,000 
votes  for  Bryan  and  155,000  for  McKinley.  Virginia  gave  154,000  for  Bryan 
and  135,000  for  McKinley.  And  this  was  according  to  Democratic  counts. 
Maryland  and  West  Virginia  cast  Republican  majorities  in  both  1896  and 
1900.  In  Virginia,  Georgia  and  North  Carolina  in  1900  twelve  to  fifteen  per 
cent  of  the  people  who  had  voted  in  '96  stayed  away  from  the  polls  and  sacri- 
ficed their  last  opportunity  to  worship  the  "popular  idol."  An  analysis  of 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      157 

election  returns  shows  that  the  distrust  of  Democracy  was  most  pro- 
nounced and  conspicuous  in  centers  of  trade,  manufactures,  and  commerce. 

Fellow  Countrymen,  we  of  the  South  believe  in  Roosevelt,  and  in  his 
ability  to  meet  every  issue  at  home  and  abroad,  triumphantly.  We  believe 
that  he  is  animated  by  a  spirit  of  patriotism  as  broad  and  as  bright  as  has 
ever  streamed  from  the  White  House  over  our  beloved  country ;  and  we 
believe  that  when  he  has  fulfilled  his  mission,  he,  the  son  of  the  North  and 
South,  will  carry  with  him  the  consciousness  that  Fatherland  and  Motherland, 
once  divorced  in  sadness,  through  him  and  because  of  him  have  been  drawn 
together  again  in  the  bonds  of  the  old  affection.  And  we  believe  that  when 
he  goes  at  length  into  the  retirement  of  private  life,  he  will  go  beloved  of  all 
patriotic  Americans,  from  Canada  to  the  Gulf  and  from  Ocean  to  Ocean. 

Mr.  Chairman,  in  behalf  of  the  Motherland  I  second  the  nomination  of 
Theodore  Roosevelt.  (Applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  WILLIAM  O.   BRADLEY,   OF   KENTUCKY. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Why  introduce  a  man  whom  every  one 
knows.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  he  comes  from  that  State  and  of  that  people 
who  take  their  politics  like  their  whiskey — straight.  (Laughter  and  ap- 
plause.) 

Mr.  BRADLEY. — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  The 
Republican  Party  has  made  no  mistakes ;  therefore,  it  has  no  apologies  to 
offer.  It  has  broken  no  promises ;  therefore,  it  enters  no  plea  of  confession 
and  avoidance.  It  offers  no  guaranty  for  the  future  save  the  record  of  its 
past.  (Applause.) 

It  points  to  an  enormously  increased  commerce,  at  home  and  abroad. 
To  free  homes  given  to  free  people.  To  a  war  waged  to  drive  the  tyrant  from 
Cuba,  and  a  promise  faithfully  kept  to  give  to  the  people  of  the  island  a  stable 
form  of  government.  To  an  improved  army  and  navy  whose  deeds  of  valor 
have  added  imperishable  glory  to  American  arms.  To  the  erection  of 
churches  and  school-houses,  and  the  inaguration  of  civil  government  in  the 
Philippines.  To  the  best  financial  system  on  the  globe.  To  a  system  of 
protection  which  has  given  to  our  people  the  best  home  and  foreign  market 
in  the  world.  To  the  universal  prosperity  now  prevailing  throughout  the 
Republic.  To  a  generous  system  of  pensions,  provided  for  those  who  fought, 
and  the  families  of  those  who  died,  that  the  Union  might  be  preserved.  To 
the  most  gigantic  rebellion  of  all  time  courageously  met  and  completely  sub- 
dued. To  the  shackles  of  bond-men  melted  in  the  red  flames  of  war,  and  to 
stars  preserved,  and  yet  others  fixed,  in  the  firmament  of  freedom.  (Ap« 
plause.) 

We  can  not  stand  at  the  base  of  Bunker  Hill  Monument,  as  prophesied  by 
Toombs,  and  call  the  roll  of  our  slaves ;  but  we  can  stand  on  any  spot  of  the 
earth  and  call  the  long  roll  of  Republican  statesmen  and  soldiers — the  most 
distinguished  and  illustrious  that  the  Nation  has  produced,  who  rendered  im- 
possible the  fulfillment  of  that  prediction.  (Applause.) 


158  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

For  nearly  half  a  century,  the  record  of  the  Republican  Party  has  been 
so  interwoven  with  the  country's  history  that  each  is  a  part  of  the  other,  and 
neither  can  be  written  without  including  the  other.  Indeed,  during  that  time 
the  Republican  Party  has  been  the  country. 

In  diplomacy,  in  progress,  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  in  prosperity  and  ad- 
versity in  peace  and  war,  at  home  and  abroad,  on  land  and  sea,  the  Republican 
Party  has  been  true  to  every  trust,  equal  to  every  emergency,  has  continually 
elevated  and  advanced  the  standard  of  American  honor  and  glory,  and  now 
proclaims  to  the  world  that  in  the  lexicon  of  patriotic  endeavor  and  achieve- 
ment there  is  no  such  word  as  "fail."  (Applause.) 

And  during  all  these  eventful  years,  the  Democratic  Party  has  resisted 
every  step  of  advancement  and  progress.  It  has  been  a  stupid  objector,  a 
miserable  malcontent  and  a  common  scold.  For  two  Presidential  terms  it 
administered  public  affairs,  and  during  each,  crippled  commerce,  unsettled 
and  decreased  values,  paralyzed  industry,  closed  manufactories  and  made  it 
necessary  for  public  charity  to  provide  food  for  the  starving  unemployed.  It 
has  exchanged  its  time-honored  principles  for  dangerous  heresies,  and  be- 
trayed its  leaders,  until  it  is  without  a  leader  and  in  anxious  search  of  a  plat- 
form. It  has  abandoned  its  Moses  and  is  unable  to  discover  a  Joshua.  It 
does  not  certainly  know  what  it  wants ;  and  if  it  did,  would  not  know  where 
to  find  it.  It  does  not  know  what  it  is  for;  and  if  it  did,  would  not  know  how 
to  express  it.  It  does  not  know  what  to  do ;  and  if  it  did,  would  not  know  how 
to  do  it.  (Applause.) 

Men  of  the  North,  we  come  from  the  battle-fields  consecrated  to  free- 
dom with  the  blood  of  your  brave  sons.  We  are  the  custodians  of  your  pa- 
triot dead,  and  each  year  commemorate  their  deeds  and  decorate  their  graves 
with  flowers.  In  their  names,  and  by  their  memories,  the  disfranchised  South 
appeals  to  you  for  justice.  Shall  it  be  said  that  your  sons  marched,  and  fought 
and  died  in  vain?  Shall  it  be  said  that  a  nation  can  exist  part  slave  and  part 
free?  Are  people  free  who  are  forced  to  bear  the  burden  and  yet  denied 
the  highest  privilege  of  citizenship?  If  it  be  true  that  warrant  may  not 
be  found  in  the  Constitution  to  prevent  disfranchisement,  then  we  beg 
that  you  no  longer  permit  the  disfranchised  and  oppressed  to  be  estimated  for 
the  purpose  of  increasing  the  electoral  strength  of  their  oppressors.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Though  the  grape  is  crushed,  and  the  grain  is  ground,  they  produce  neither 
wine  nor  bread  for  the  persecuted  men  of  the  South. 

Surrounded  by  difficulties,  striving  in  vain  to  be  free,  they  instinctively 
turn  to  the  brave,  true  man  who  has  said  that  he  would  not  close  the  door  of 
hope  on  a  struggling  race.  The  Southern  Republicans  are  devoted  to  him 
and  will  follow  him  with  all  the  affection  and  enthusiasm  with  which  the 
"Old  Guard"  followed  Napoleon.  They  have  unshaken  faith  in  his  superb 
courage,  even-handed  justice  and  unsullied  honor.  (Applause.) 

We  have  not  forgotten  how,  when  the  war  clouds  hung  dark  in  the  na- 
tion's horizon,  he  sacrificed  office,  and  left  a  happy  home,  and  a  beloved 
wife  and  children,  to  bare  his  bosom  in  the  storm  of  battle.  The  same  pa- 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       159 

triotism  and  courage  that  inspired  him  then  has  animated  him  throughout 
his  administration.  When  others  stood  appalled  in  the  presence  of  the  great 
strike,  he  cheerfully,  and  with  alacrity,  assumed  a  responsibility  not  officially 
incumbent  upon  him,  and  bravely  springing  into  the  breach,  succeeded  in 
procuring  a  settlement  that  brought  tranquillity  to  the  representatives  of 
capital,  and  smiles  and  sunshine  into  the  faces  and  homes  of  the  humble 
laborers.  (Applause.) 

He  unhesitatingly  measured  swords  with  the  giant  corporation,  which 
threatened  the  people  with  wrong  and  oppression,  and  brought  it  into  sub- 
jection. 

He  knows  how  and  when  to  plan,  and,  better  still,  how  and  when  to  exe- 
cute. Alert  of  mind,  he  has  quickly  seized  every  opportunity.  In  the  pro- 
curement of  concessions  for  the  Panama  Canal,  he  accomplished  more  in  a 
few  hours  than  his  predecessors  accomplished  in  more  than  a  hundred 
years.  He  did  not  attempt  to  unloose,  he  cut  the  Gordion  knot. 

His  enemies  say,  that  he  can  not  be  trusted ;  but  the  people  know  that  one 
who  always  does  the  right  thing,  at  the  right  time  and  in  the  right  way,  is  en- 
titled to  their  implicit  confidence.  (Applause.) 

His  enemies  say,  that  he  is  unsafe.  His  record  proves  that  he  is  unsafe 
only  to  the  lawless,  the  trickster,  the  grafter  and  those  who  deny  equal  pro- 
tection of  the  law  to  any  class  of  American  citizens.  But  in  the  discharge  of 
the  great  trusts  devolved  upon  him,  he  has  proven  a  harbor  of  safety. 

His  enemies  predicted,  that  he  would  involve  the  Nation  in  war ;  but 
all  his  victories  have  been  those  of  diplomacy  and  peace,  and  today  he  enjoys 
the  respect  and  friendship  of  every  foreign  power. 

He  has  not  been  the  pliable  instrument  of  any  man,  or  set  of  men.  He 
is  the  creator,  not  the  creature  of  public  sentiment.  He  is  not  controlled  by 
popular  clamor,  but  hews  to  the  line,  let  the  chips  fall  where  tney  may.  He 
is  not  a  laggard,  a  time  server  or  an  idle  dreamer.  He  loses  no  opportunity  on 
account  of  timid  doubt  or  annoying  hesitation  He  is  not  a  follower,  but  every 
inch  a  leader.  He  is  not  an  imitator,  but  thoroughly  original,  guided  alone  by 
a  clear  conception  of  right  and  the  genius  of  common  sense. 

He  boldly  and  fearlessly  advances ;  he  never  sounds  the  retreat.  Im- 
bued with  never-failing  courage,  tempered  with  sound  and  conservative 
judgment;  brilliant  as  a  meteor,  yet  steady  and  certain  as  the  sun  in  its 
course ;  gifted  with  broad  and  intelligent  statesmanship ;  fixed  in  lofty  pur- 
pose, he  is  the  embodiment  of  American  ideas,  American  vigor  and  the  most 
exalted  type  of  American  manhood. 

He  was  born  to  fulfill  a  mission.  That  mission  in  part  accomplished  will 
be  completed  in  coming  years,  and  his  name  shall  go  ringing  down  the  cen- 
turies with  those  of  the  immortal  few  "who  were  not  born  to  die." 

In  Kentucky  we-have  "contended  against  principalities  and  powers  and  the 
rulers  of  darkness."  We  have,  in  truth,  fought  with  all  manner  of  beasts,  not 
at  Ephesus — but  at  Frankfort.  We  are  nerving  ourselves  for  the  coming 
conflict,  and  in  November  next  hope  to  break  the  chains  which  partisan  legis- 
lation has  thrown  around  us  and  restore  freedom  to  the  State  which  gave 


1GO  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

birth  to  Abraham  Lincoln  and  holds  within  its  bosom  the  ashes  of  Henry 
Clay.     (Applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  JOSEPH  B.  COTTON,  OF  MINNESOTA. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen,  I  take  great  pleasure  in  intro- 
ducing to  you  one  of  those  young  men  who  are  doing  things  in  the  Republic. 
He  comes  from  Duluth,  at  the  head  of  the  "unsalted  sea." 

Mr.  COTTON. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  Re- 
sponsive to  the  swelling  chorus  of  millions  of  voices  from  all  over  the  Re- 
public, we  are  here  to  name  as  our  standard  bearer  the  gifted  son  of  the 
Empire  State,  who  bas  in  his  make-up  all  the  resolute  spirit  and  vigor  of  the 
imperial  West  and  in  whose  veins  courses  the  rich,  warm  blood  of  the  daunt- 
less South-land.  Nominating  and  seconding  speeches  here  are  of  no  mo- 
ment, for  his  nomination  has  already  been  made  by  the  American  people  them- 
selves. We  have  only  to  select  his  running  mate,  proclaim  the  doctrines  of 
our  faith,  and  go  forth  and  overwhelm  once  more  the  cohorts  of  a  distracted, 
distempered  and  dismembered  Democracy. 

Our  Democratic  friends  in  this  year  of  grace  are  destined  to  be  mere  idle 
dreamers  and  only  seers  of  visions.  Dissentious,  they  lack  faith  and  have  no 
issue.  Why,  just  now  they  are  trying  to  let  go  of  the  "Orator  of  the  Platte" 
and  his  fustian  "Cross  of  Gold."  They  now  say  that  "Free  Silver"  is  dead 
because  the  Almighty  put  too  much  gold  in  the  lap  of  Old  Mother  Earth. 
Concealing  their  real  purpose,  they  no  longer  openly  champion  Free  Trade. 
They  clamor  only  for  a  Republican  revision  of  the  Dingley  Tariff.  Has 
it  come  to  this,  that  with  Chamberlain  of  England  they  are  at  last  openly  be- 
come Protectionists?  Overwhelmed  by  the  rebuke  of  the  people,  they  now 
profess  to  be  really  anxious  to  keep  the  American  Flag  where  it  is,  regard- 
less and  unmindful  of  whether  the  Constitution  follows  the  Flag,  or  the  Flag 
follows  the  Constitution.  Truly,  can  any  good  thing  come  out  of  this  Demo- 
cratic chaos  and  reluctant  acquiescence  in  the  triumph  of  Republican  poli- 
cies? In  fifty  history-making,  creative  years  what  policies,  domestic  or  for- 
eign, fiscal  or  industrial,  expansive  or  constructive,  has  the  Democratic  Party 
embodied  into  the  National  thought  or  woven  into  the  fabric  of  the  Republic? 
An  obstructionist  always,  it  has  been  a  participant,  in  spite  of  itself,  in  a 
national  glory  and  a  greatness  to  which  it  has  long  since  ceased  to  con- 
tribute. Our  virile  young  nation  presses  on  with  undying  energy.  Its  foot- 
prints are  everywhere.  It  impresses  its  character  upon  every  land.  It  is 
unthinkable  that  at  the  very  threshhold  of  our  world-work  the  American 
citizen  will  again  experiment  and  imperil  our  all  by  turning  over  the  reins  of 
Government  to  an  inconstant,  incapable  and  inert  Democracy?  To  fulfil  the 
Republic's  mighty  destiny,  the  guiding,  shaping,  controlling  spirit  must  and 
will  be  the  Republican  Party. 

The  Republican  Party  has  had  and  will  ever  have  a  glorious  mission.  It 
has  always  been  a  party  of  action.  Its  promises  have  always  been  crystallized 
into  exact  performance.  For  fifty  years  it  has  labored  to  advance  the  sub- 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       161 

stantial  progress  of  all  the  American  people.  It  is  making  of  America  the 
dominant  world  power.  It  has  written  into  law  the  promises  of  fifty  years  in 
respect  of  an  Isthmian  Canal.  It  has  built  up  and  firmly  established  by  pro- 
tective policies  a  nation  which  must  eventually  secure,  for  the  surplus  prod- 
ucts and  industry  of  her  people,  the  markets  of  all  the  earth.  Its  thought  is 
along  constructive  lines  and  for  the  expansion  requisite  to  meet  the  Nation's 
industrial  needs  rather  than  for  Democratic  isolation.  It  has  built  up 
American  industries,  protected  American  labor  and  safeguarded  the  American 
home.  It  has  permanently  secured  the  nation  upon  the  gold  standard,  the 
standard  of  stability  and  enlightened  civilization.  In  the  olden  day  the 
Crusader,  armor-clad,  rode  valiantly  away  to  rescue  the  Holy  Land  from 
ruthless  devastation.  So,  in  this  our  day,  the  Republican  party  is  carrying 
forward  the  Stars  and  Stripes  for  the  uplifting  of  mankind  and  the  suprem- 
acy of  a  civilization  which  finds  its  highest  type  in  our  glorious  American 
Republic. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  great  Northwest,  whence  I  hail,  teems  with  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  enthusiastic  Republicans.  You  know  their  worth  and  their 
fealty.  On  their  behalf  I  am  commissioned  to  second  the  nomination  of 
their  choice  for  President  of  these  United  States.  We  need  and  demand  today 
a  wise  and  dauntless  mariner  to  take  our  soundings  and  shape  our  course.  In 
this  history-making  hour,  at  the  dawn  of  a  century  big  with  the  potentialities 
of  individual  and  national  life,  when  the  Republic  advances  full  speed  upon 
a  future  we  cannot  know,  in  all  the  excitement  of  the  individual  struggle  for 
wealth  and  self-aggrandizement,  in  the  midst  of  tendencies  toward  municipal 
and  governmental  corruption,  and  when  keenest  minds  seem  largely  bent 
upon  profit  without  recompense,  all  born  of  an  inherent  weakness  which  can- 
not be  ignored  but  must  be  met,  we  have  only  to  name  our  cnoice  for  Presi- 
dent for  all  the  world  to  know  that  his  name  is  a  synonym  for  courage,  for 
untiring  energy,  for  loyalty  to  principle,  for  uprightness,  for  rugged  honesty. 
No  words  of  any  man  are  needed  to  tell  you  that  he  is  pre-eminently  qualified 
to  be  our  inspiring  leader.  We  are  proud  of  his  distinguished  career  and  of 
his  great  service  to  the  nation.  We  endorse  his  unswerving  devotion  to  the 
hiehest  ideals  of  government  and  his  stalwart  Americanism.  We  support  him 
for  his  lofty  character ;  for  his  manifest  genius ;  for  his  splendid  personality, 
and  for  his  superb  moral  courage.  Four  years  ago,  the  Republican  Party 
placed  him  beside  the  immortal  McKinley  and  with  such  standard  bearers, 
with  such  a  cause,  we  marched  to  a  glorious  victory-  When  the  assassin's 
ignoble  work  was  accomplished,  and  amidst  the  Nation's  tears,  showered  with 
the  Nation's  love,  the  gentle  McKinley  passed  to  the  Ages  and  was  crowned 
with  the  wreath  of  immortal  fame,  the  intrepid  and  aggressive  Roosevelt 
faced  and  was  equal  to  the  grave  responsibilities  of  the  Presidency.  He  has 
kept  the  faith.  By  force  of  his  character  and  his  works  he  has  extended,  at 
home  and  abroad,  the  influence  and  greatness  of  the  Republic.  His  name  has 
come  to  be  a  symbol  everywhere  of  American  manhood,  American  valor, 
American  honesty  and  American  supremacy. 


162  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Obeying  a  mandate  both  pleasing  and  supreme,  on  behalf  of  the  great 
State  of  Minnesota  and  the  mighty  Empire  of  the  Northwest,  whose  growth 
and  prosperity  will  ever  keep  full  pace  with  the  giant  tread  of  the  Nation 
itself,  I  desire  to  second  the  nomination  of  that  intrepid  leader,  that  potent 
statesman,  that  master  workman  upon  the  greater  Republic,  that  tried,  trust- 
ed and  incomparable  public  servant, — the  President  now,  the  President  again 
to  be,— THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  HARRY  S.  CUMMINGS,  OF  MARYLAND. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  God's 
chosen  people  dwelled  in  bondage  four  hundred  years.  They  wandered  in  the 
desert  forty  years.  It  was  a  long  reach  from  Pharaoh  to  Solomon's  temple. 
It  is  my  privilege  to  introduce  an  American  citizen  whose  people  were 
brought  from  a  servile  condition  forty  years  ago  to  freedom,  and  who,  with 
equality  before  the  law,  have  learned  to  live  in  the  sweat  of  their  faces,  and 
have  made  better  progress  in  one  generation  than  any  servile  race  ever  made 
before  in  the  history  of  the  world.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  CUMMINGS. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  have  been  admonished 
that  the  greatest  service  I  can  do  the  great  American  people  today,  and  the 
opportunity  of  my  life  to  make  a  hero  of  myself,  is  to  speak  as  briefly  as 
possible.  (Applause.) 

For  the  distinguished  honor  of  seconding  the  nomination  of  that  grand 
type  of  the  American  citizen,  Theodore  Roosevelt,  I  am  profoundly  grateful. 

Fortunate  indeed  is  it  for  this  government  that  it  has  had  during  the  eight 
years  just  passed  a  political  organization  such  as  ours  to  meet  face  to  face 
with  undaunted  courage  and  determination,  the  many  perplexing  questions 
which  have  arisen  during  that  period. 

Equally  fortunate  has  been  our  party  to  have  had  within  its  ranks  during 
this  crucial  period  such  men  as  our  able,  wise  and  patriotic  McKinley  of  be- 
loved memory  and  our  capable,  courageous  and  aggressive  Roosevelt  upon 
whose  young  though  ample  shoulders  the  mantle  of  the  great  McKinley  fell. 

Whether  the  questions  affected  our  internal  or  external  relations,  they  have 
been  boldly  met  and  wisely  solved. 

We  have  carried  to  the  Filipino,  the  Porto  Rican,  and  the  Cuban  the  torch 
of  light  and  intelligence,  relieved  them  from  the  burdens  and  oppressions  of 
despotic  rule,  established  civil  government  among  them  and  are  teaching  them 
the  blessings  of  liberty  and  independence.  (Applause.) 

The  Panama  Canal,  "The  Key  of  the  Universe,"  the  construction  of  which 
has  for  centuries  been  the  dream  and  fancy  of  more  than  one  government, 
has  under  the  prompt  and  decisive  action  of  this  administration  been  taken 
from  the  realm  of  cloudland  and  dreamland  and  its  completion  in  the  near  fu- 
ture has  become  a  certain  and  fixed  fact.  (Applause.) 

The  wise  leadership  of  our  party  has  kept  so  well  adjusted  our  tariff  and 
currency  legislation,  that  prosperity  abounds  in  the  land,  labor  is  plentiful,  the 
laborer  is  well  paid  and  contented,  capital  multiplies  and  seeks  additional  out- 
lets for  investments  and  enterprises. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      163 

In  a  word,  we  have  given  a  full  and  complete  report  of  the  stewardship 
committed  to  our  care  during  the  past  four  years.  It  becomes  the  duty  of  this 
convention  to  name  a  general  who  we  hope  and  believe  will  lead  the  great 
republican  host  to  victory  in  the  coming  election.  A  man  who  will  in  every 
way  measure  up  to  the  responsibilty  of  the  high  office  of  President  of  this 
country.  Such  an  one  in  the  person  of  our  Chief  Executive  has  been  ably 
and  eloquently  placed  before  you  and  heartily  do  we  all  endorse  what  has 
been  said.  (Applause.) 

"By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them."  Theodore  Roosevelt  brings  to  this 
party  and  the  nation  at  the  close  of  his  administration  the  precious  fruits  of 
three  years  of  able  and  faithful  service. 

The  solemn  promise  made  by  him  when  gloom  and  distress  o'ershadowed 
the  nation,  when  stout  hearts  grew  faint,  when  fears  and  misgivings  were 
abroad  in  the  land,  when  the  nation  bowed  in  tears  for  her  fallen  hero,  that 
promise,  made  at  a  most  trying  time  in  our  country's  life,  has  been  kept 
to  the  letter,  and  he  brings  as  an  evidence  of  such,  the  plans  and  purposes 
of  his  martyred  predecessor  fully  developed  and  completed. 

He  is  above  all  things,  a  true,  honest,  earnest  and  patriotic  American  citi- 
zen. (Applause.) 

He  is  a  leader  of  unflinching  courage,  a  man  of  wisdom,  a  man  of  action. 
(Applause.) 

He  is  open  and  frank,  free  from  intrigue  and  concealment,  in  his  life  and 
walk  and  conduct,  he  stands  unapproached  and  unapproachable.  (Applause.) 

He  is  a  broad  man ;  broad  in  intellect,  broad  in  sympathies ;  broad  in 
soul ;  he  lends  a  listening  ear  to  the  cry  of  the  down  trodden  and  oppressed, 
and  with  strong  and  ready  arm  encircling  the  weak  and  helpless  he  bids  them 
rise  and  hope  and  live.  (Applause.) 

He  is  a  just  man,  and  believes  that  a  man  should  be  judged  by  merit  and 
merit  alone;  and  that  the  just  rewards  of  faithful  and  patriotic  service  should 
be  withheld  from  no  one  for  any  cause  whatever.  (Applause.) 

With  a  vision  unclouded  by  bias  or  prejudice,  he  sees  through  the  outer 
clay  clad  in  different  hues,  the  man  within  and  there  beholds  the  image  of  the 
Divine  Master,  indicating  the  Fatherhood  of  God  and  the  Brotherhood  of 
Man.  (Applause.) 

Criticism,  bitter,  severe,  unreasonable,  has  only  served  to  make  him  the 
more  devoted  to  his  country's  welfare. 

He  believes  that  corruption  and  dishonesty  in  private  life  and  in  public 
office  should  be  unearthed  and  exposed  and  punished,  no  matter  who  the 
guilty  party  may  be  or  how  high  in  official  life  he  may  stand. 

He  believes  that  respect  for  and  obedience  to  law  are  the  foundation  upon 
which  this  government  must  rest  and  that  the  violation  of  the  oath  of  office 
is  little  less  than  treason. 

He  believes  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  every  amend- 
ment thereof  should  be  rigidly  enforced  and  that  its  violation  by  whatever 
subterfuges  or  undirectness  of  expression  should  be  condemned  and  remedied. 


164  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

He  is  for  these  good  and  sufficient  reasons,  the  man  whom  the  people  of 
every  section  and  in  every  walk  of  life,  want  for  this  high  office. 

First  of  all,  the  powerful  Christian  and  moral  sentiment  of  the  nation 
demands  his  nomination,  and  every  Christian  and  moral  agency  will  be  exer- 
cised for  his  election.  (Applause.) 

The  laboring  interest  demands  him. 

The  farmer  as  with  happy  heart  he  gathers  in  his  bounteous  harvest 
stands  ready  to  do  battle  for  his  return.  The  miner  who  in  contentment 
digs  away  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth  sees  in  him  his  salvation  from  op- 
pression and  encroachment. 

The  business  man,  and  the  capitalist  to  whom  this  administration  has 
brought  abundant  success  eagerly  await  his  nomination.  So  surely  as  he  is 
nominated  by  this  Convention  today,  so  surely  will  he  be  elected  by  the  people 
in  November. 

With  his  nomination  and  election,  what  an  inspiring  prospect  opens  up  be- 
fore the  party  and  the  Nation?  With  it  will  come  new  efforts  to  promote  a 
greater  prosperity  and  a  larger  measure  of  happiness  to  all  who  dwell  within 
our  borders. 

With  it  will  come  that  calm  and  peaceful  assurance  that  while  prosper- 
ous, happy  and  contented  at  home,  a  wise,  safe  and  skillful  diplomacy  guards 
and  protects  our  every  interest  throughout  the  civilized  world. 

And  finally  with  it  will  come  an  advanced  step  towards  the  fulfillment  of 
the  great  mission  of  the  Republican  Party. 

And  that  mission  will  not  be  performed  until  every  section  of  our  Con- 
stitution and  every  amendment  thereof  shall  be  respected  and  made  effective, 
and  until  every  citizen  of  every  section,  of  every  race  and  of  every  religion 
shall  proclaim  in  one  grand  chorus  of  that  Constitution,  "Thou  art  my  shield 
and  my  buckler." 

God  grant  that  in  our  party's  struggle  to  reach  that  time,  it  may  ever  have 
a  man  to  place  before  the  American  people,  for  their  suffrage,  who  has  the 
courage,  the  honesty,  and  the  aggressiveness  of  Theodore  Roosevelt.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

VOTE  FOR  CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — If  there  are  no  other  nominations  of  candi- 
dates for  President,  the  Clerk  will  call  the  roll. 

The  Clerk  proceeded  to  call  the  roll. 

MR.  FRANKLIN  MURPHY,  of  New  Jersey  (when  New  Jersey  was  called)  : 
Mr.  Chairman,  New  Jersey  asks  unanimous  consent  that  the  further  calling 
of  the  roll  be  dispensed  with,  and  that  Theodore  Roosevelt  be  chosen  by  ac- 
clamation. 

Cries  of  "No,  No." 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — There  is  objection  to  the  request  of  the 
gentleman  from  New  Jersey. 

MR.  MURPHY. — I  withdraw  the  request. 

The  roll  call  was  concluded,  and  resulted  as  follows : 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       165 


Whole  For 

Number  of  Theodore 
Delegates.  Roosevelt. 

Alabama    22  22 

Arkansas    18  18 

California   20  20 

Colorado    10  10 

Connecticut    14  14 

Delaware  6  6 

Florida   10  10 

Georgia    26  26 

Idaho    6  6 

Illinois    54  54 

Indiana       30  30 

Iowa    26  26 

Kansas   20  20 

Kentucky   26  26 

Louisiana    18  18 

Maine    12  12 

Maryland    16  16 

Massachusetts    32  32 

Michigan    28  28 

Minnesota   22  22 

Mississippi    20  20 

Missouri    36  36 

Montana    6  6 

Nebraska  16  16 

Nevada  6  6 

New  Hampshire  8  8 

New  Jersey   24  24 

New  York  .                       ..78  78 


Whole  For 

Number  of  Theodore 
Delegates.  Roosevelt. 

North  Carolina 24  24 

North  Dakota 8  8 

Ohio  46  46 

Oregon    8  8 

Pennsylvania  68  68 

Rhode  Island  8  8 

South  Carolina   18  18 

South  Dakota  8  8 

Tennessee  24  24 

Texas    36  36 

Utah   6  6 

Vermont   8  8 

Virginia 24  24 

Washington  10  10 

West  Virginia   14  14 

Wisconsin    26  26 

Wyoming    6  6 

District   of    Columbia...     2  2 

Alaska    6  6 

Arizona  6  6 

Indian  Territory   6  6 

New  Mexico  6  6 

Oklahoma   6  6 

Hawaii  *6  6 

Philippines  2  2 

Porto  Rico   2  2 

Totals  ..  ...994  994 


The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  total  number  of  votes  in  the  convention 
is  904.  Theodore  Roosevelt  has  received  994  votes ;  and  it  only  remains  for 
me  to  announce  that  Theodore  Roosevelt,  of  the  State  of  New  York,  is 
your  candidate  for  the  Presidency  for  the  term  commencing  on  the  4th 
of  March,  1905.  (Applause.) 

NOMINATION   OF   CANDIDATE   FOR   VICE    PRESIDENT. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  business  in  order  is  the  nomina- 
tion of  a  candidate  for  Vice  President.  The  Clerk  will  call  the  roll  of  States 
for  the  presentation  of  candidates. 

The  CLERK  proceeded  to  call  the  roll. 

Mr.  OSCAR  R.  HUNDLEY,  of  Alabama  (when  Alabama  was  called). — The 
State  of  Alabama  requests  the  privilege  and  the  honor  of  yielding  its  place  on 
the  roll  call  to  the  State  of  Iowa. 


*This  convention   only. 


166  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

NOMINATING  SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  P.  DOLLIVER,  OF  IOWA. 

Mr.  J.  P.  DOLLIVER,  of  Iowa,  was  escorted  to  the  platform. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  presents  Senator  Jonathan  P. 
Dolliver,  of  the  State  of  Iowa.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  DOLLIVER. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  The  National  Republican 
Convention,  now  nearly  ready  to  adjourn,  has  presented  to  the  world  a  moral 
spectacle  of  extraordinary  interest  and  significance.  It  is  a  fine  thing  to  see 
thousands  of  men,  representing  millions  of  people,  fighting  in  the  political 
arena,  for  their  favorite  candidates,  and  contending  valiantly  for  the  success 
of  contradictory  principles  and  conflicting  doctrines.  Out  of  such  a  contest, 
with  its  noise  and  declamation,  its  flying  banners,  its  thunder  of  the  captains 
and  the  shouting,  the  truth  often  secures  a  vindication,  and  the  right  man 
comes  out  victorious.  Sometimes,  however,  wisdom  is  lost  in  the  confusion, 
and  more  than  once  we  have  seen  the  claims  of  leadership  swallowed  up  in 
contention  and  strife. 

We  have  the  honor  to  belong  to  a  convention  whose  constituency  in  every 
state  and  territory,  and  in  the  islands  of  the  sea,  has  done  its  thinking  by  quiet 
firesides,  undisturbed  by  clamor  of  any  sort,  and  has  simplified  our  responsi- 
bilities by  the  unmistakable  terms  of  the  credentials  which  we  hold  at  their 
hands 

At  intervals  of  four  years  I  followed  the  banner  of  James  G.  Elaine 
through  the  streets  of  our  convention  cities,  from  Cincinnati  to  Minneapolis, 
and  did  my  full  share  to  see  that  nobody  got  any  more  applause  than  the 
great  popular  leader  who  had  captured  my  enthusiasm  long  before  I  was 
old  enough  to  vote. 

Not  even  his  defeat  served  to  diminish  the  hold  which  our  champion  had 
upon  the  hearts  of  those  who  followed  him,  and  it  has  required  a  good  deal 
of  experience  to  enable  them  to  understand  the  lesson  of  his  defeat.  Other 
conventions  have  met  to  settle  the  fate  of  rival  chieftains ;  we  meet  to  record 
the  judgment  of  the  Republican  millions  of  the  United  States. 

They  have  based  their  opinion  upon  the  facts  of  the  case.  They  have 
not  concluded  that  we  have  the  greatest  President  of  the  United  States  since 
Washington.  They  know  how  to  measure  the  height  and  depth  of  things 
better  even  than  Professor  Bryce,  when  he  deals  with  the  superlatives  which 
find  their  way  into  all  well-regulated  banquets  after  midnight.  They  have 
not  forgotten  the  grave  of  Lincoln,  which  has  become  a  shrine  for  the  pil- 
grimage of  the  human  race.  They  remember  still  the  day  when  the  Canon 
of  Westminster  opened  the  doors  of  that  venerable  monument  to  admit  the 
name  of  the  silent  American  soldier  into  the  household  of  English-spoken 
fame. 

They  have  passed  no  vainglorious  judgment  upon  the  career  of  Theodore 
Roosevelt.  They  have  studied  it  with  sympathetic  interest  from  his  boy- 
hood, as  he  has  risen  from  one  station  of  public  usefulness  to  another,  until 
at  length,  before  the  age  of  45,  he  stands  upon  the  highest  civic  eminence 
known  among  men.  Their  tears  fell  with  his  as  he  stood  in  the  shadow  of 


HON.    J.    P.    DOLLIVER,    of    Iowa, 

Who    Made  the   Address    Placing    Senator   Fairbanks    in    Nomination  for 
Vice- President. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      167 

poor  McKinley's  death,  and  as  a  part  of  his  oath  of  office,  asked  the  trusted 
counsellors  who  stood  by  the  side  of  the  fallen  President  to  help  him  carry 
forward  the  work  which  he  had  left  unfinished,  and  while  his  administration 
deserved  the  tribute  which  it  received  in  this  convention  from  the  eloquent 
lips  of  our  temporary  chairman,  it  is  because  he  has  executed  in  a  manly 
way  the  purpose  of  the  Republican  party,  and  interpreted  aright  the  aspira- 
tions of  the  American  people.  Nor  can  there  be  a  doubt  that,  if  in  the  years 
to  come,  he  shall  walk  steadfastly  in  the  same  path,  he  will  be  numbered 
among  the  great  leaders  of  the  people  who  have  given  dignity  and  influence 
to  their  highest  office. 

But  the  judgment  of  the  Republican  party  is  not  only  united  upon  its 
candidate — it  is  unanimous  also  upon  the  fundamental  principles  for  which 
it  stands.  I  think  the  convention  has  been  fortunate  in  harmonizing  the 
minor  differences  which  unavoidably  arise  in  a  country  like  ours,  where 
speech  is  free,  and  where  printing  is  free.  We  stand  together  on  the  propo- 
sition that  the  industrial  system  of  the  United  States  must  not  be  undermined 
by  a  hostile  partisan  agitation  and  that  whatever  changes  are  necessary  in 
our  laws,  ought  to  be  made  by  the  friends,  or  at  least  the  acquaintances,  of 
the  protective  tariff  system.  The  things  upon  which  we  are  agreed  are  so 
great,  and  the  things  about  which  we  differ  are  so  small,  that  we  are  able, 
without  sacrificing  sincere  Republican  convictions  anywhere,  to  unite  as  one 
man  in  defense  of  our  common  faith. 

The  roll-call  of  this  convention  is  a  reminder,  not  without  its  melancholy 
suggestion,  that  the  veterans  of  Republican  leadership  are  transferring  the 
responsibilities  which  they  have  borne,  to  the  generation  born  since  1850. 
The  children  of  the  men  who  laid  the  foundations  of  the  Republican  party 
are  here  to  begin  the  celebration  of  its  fiftieth  anniversary.  A  heavy  hand 
has  been  laid  since  we  met  at  Philadelphia  upon  the  men  who  guided  the 
counsels  of  the  party.  Nelson  Dingley,  whose  name  is  associated  in  im- 
mortal reputation  with  the  industrial  and  commercial  miracles  which  opened 
the  new  century,  is  gone,  and  within  the  borders  of  the  same  state  lies  all 
that  is  mortal  of  Thomas  B.  Reed,  who  put  an  end  to  anarchy  in  the  American 
house  of  representatives ;  dear  old  uncle  Mark  Hanna,  whose  face  has  looked 
down  with  the  benediction  of  an  old  friend  upon  our  deliberations,  we  shall 
see  no  more ;  within  the  past  few  days  we  buried  Matthew  Stanley  Quay  in 
the  bosom  of  the  commonwealth  which  he  loved,  and  which,  in  spite  of  the 
malice  and  calumny  which  pursued  him  while  he  lived,  never  failed  in  its 
affectionate  confidence  in  him,  while  over  the  whole  four  years  has  hung  the 
shadow  of  the  national  affliction  which  left  the  American  people  in  sackcloth 
and  ashes. 

We  stand  at  the  beginning  of  the  new  era,  and  while  the  Republican  party 
leans  upon  the  counsel  of  its  old  leaders,  it  has  not  hesitated  to  summon  to 
the  responsibilities  of  public  life  the  young  men  who  have  been  trained  under 
their  guidance  to  take  up  the  burdens  which  they  are  ready  to  lay  down,  and 
finish  the  work  which  comes  to  them  as  an  inheritance  of  patriotism  and 
duty.  That  is  the  significance  of  the  nomination  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  and 


168  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

that  is  the  explanation  of  the  call  which  has  been  made  by  the  Republican 
party  without  a  dissenting  voice,  upon  Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  to  stand  by  the 
side  of  the  President  in  the  guidance  and  leadership  of  the  Republican  party. 
While  he  has  not  sought  to  constrain  the  judgment  of  the  convention, 
directly  or  indirectly,  he  has  kept  himself  free  from  the  affectation  which 
undervalues  the  dignity  of  the  second  office  in  the  gift  of  the  American  peo- 
ple, and  I  do  not  doubt  that  his  heart  has  been  touched  by  the  voluntary  ex- 
pression of  universal  good  will  which  has  already  chosen  as  one  of  the 
standard-bearers  of  the  Republican  party  of  the  United  States.  The  office 
has  sought  the  man  and  he  will  bring  to  the  office  the  commanding  person- 
ality of  a  statesman  equal  to  any  of  the  great  responsibilities  which  belong 
to  our  public  affairs.  A  leader  of  the  senate,  the  champion  of  all  the'  great 
policies  which  constitute  the  invincible  record  of  the  Republican  party  dur- 
ing the  last  ten  years,  his  name  will  become  a  tower  of  strength  to  our  cause, 
not  only  in  his  own  state,  but  everywhere  throughout  the  country.  A  man 
of  affairs,  the  whole  business  community  shares  the  confidence  which  his 
political  associates  have  reposed  in  him  from  the  beginning  of  his  public  life. 
The  quiet,  undemonstrative,  popular  opinion  which  has  given  the  Republican 
party  a  platform  upon  which  all  Republicans  can  stand  with  no  dissenting 
voice,  here  or  anywhere,  has  long  since  anticipated  the  action  of  this  con- 
vention in  adding  to  the  national  Republican  ticket  the  name  of  Senator  Fair- 
banks of  Indiana.  I  take  pleasure  in  presenting  his  name,  honored  every- 
where throughout  the  United  States,  as  our  candidate  for  Vice  President. 

FIFTY  YEARS  OF  EMANCIPATION. 

SENATOR  DEPEW'S  RATTLING   SPEECH    SECONDING  NOMINATION  OF  FAIRBANKS. 

Senator  Chauncey  M.  Depew  made  the  first  speech  seconding  the  nomina- 
tion of  Senator  Fairbanks  for  vice-president  at  the  Republican  national  con- 
vention held  in  Chicago,  on  June  23.  A  remark  coming  from  a  delegate, 
"Have  you  had  your  dinner  ?"  was  used  by  the  Senator  as  a  text.  He  said : 

My  friend  wants  to  know  if  I  have  had  my  dinner,  but  what  I  am  about 
to  say  is  in  behalf  of  dinners  for  the  American  people.  [Laughter  and 
cries  of  "Good."] 

I  cannot  help  thinking,  in  listening  to  the  eloquence  with  which  we  have 
been  entertained  this  morning,  what  will  be  the  difference  when  our  Demo- 
cratic friends  meet  on  July  6  to  go  through  with  their  duty  of  nominating 
candidates  and  adopting  a  platform.  We  here  have  been  unanimous  upon 
our  candidates,  all  agreed  upon  our  principles,  all  recognizing  and  applauding 
our  great  statesmen,  living  and  dead,  and  agreeing  with  them,  while  on  the 
other  hand  in  that  convention  there  will  be  the  only  two  living  exponents 
of  Democratic  principles. 

On  the  one  side  will  be  their  only  president,  rising  and  saying,  "Be  sane," 
while  on  the  other  side,  in  opposition  will  come  their  last  candidate  for  presi- 
dent saying,  "Be  Democrats."  The  two  are  incompatible.  [Laughter  and 
applause.] 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       169 

I  present  two  thoughts  which  it  seems  to  me  in  the  flood  of  our  oratory 
have  been  passed  by.  There  has  been  criticism  of  this  convention  that  it  was 
without  enthusiasm  and  perfunctory  and  would  occupy  little  place  in  history. 
But  this  convention  is  an  epoch  making  convention  because  it  marks  the 
close  of  fifty  years  of  the  life  of  the  Republican  party. 

That  fifty  years — if  we  should  divide  recorded  time  into  periods  of  half  a 
century — the  fifty  years  from  1854  to  IO°4  would  concentrate  more  that  has 
been  done  in  this  world  for  the  uplifting  of  humanity  than  all  the  half  cen- 
turies which  have  preceded. 

While  this  half  century  has  done  so  much  in  electricity,  so  much  in  steam, 
so  much  in  inventions,  so  much  in  medicine,  so  much  in  surgery  and  in 
science,  its  one  distinguishing  characteristic  will  be  that  it  was  the  half  cen- 
tury of  emancipation — emancipation  all  over  the  world,  led  mainly  by  the 
American  thought  and  the  success  of  the  American  experiment. 

But  when  for  our  purpose  we  look  back  over  the  accomplishment  of  this 
half  century  we  find  that  the  best  part  of  it,  that  which  has  made  most  for 
the  welfare  of  the  country,  most  for  emancipation,  has  been  done  by  the 
Republican  party. 

Just  one  word  to  throw  the  picture  on  the  wall.  In  1854  the  Missouri 
compromise  was  repealed  and  the  territory  whose  purchase  is  now  being  cele- 
brated at  St.  Louis  was  dedicated  to  slavery,  and  in  1863  Abraham  Lincoln 
freed  the  slaves.  [Applause.] 

In  1854  Jarnes  Buchanan  at  Ostend  issued  the  manifesto  to  buy  or  con- 
quer Cuba  for  slavery,  and  in  1900  William  McKinley  set  up  Cuba  as  an  in- 
dependent republic.  [Applause.]  In  1854  the  first  cable  flashed  under  the 
Atlantic  ocean,  and  the  use  of  this  tremendous  discovery  came  from  a  Re- 
publican president  who  was  the  only  president  since  the  formation  of  the 
country  who  had  presided  over  the  destinies  of  a  free  people,  with  freedom 
in  the  constitution,  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence  no  longer  a  living 
lie. 

AMERICA'S  COMMERCIAL  PROGRESS. 

So  it  is  also  in  diplomacy.  Fifty  years  ago  those  of  our  people  who  were 
located  among  the  semi-civilized  nations  of  Asia  and  Africa  placed  them- 
selves under  the  protection  of  the  consuls  of  Great  Britain  or  the  Euro- 
pean government  most  influential  in  that  territory.  Today  an  American 
fleet  appears  in  the  harbor  of  Tangier,  and  the  secretary  of  state  sends  the 
thrilling  message,  "We  want  Perdicaris  alive  or  Raisuli  dead."  [Cheers.] 

Now,  it  was  only  sixty  years  ago,  ten  years  preceding  the  birth  of  the 
Republican  party,  when  that  great  wit  and  great  writer,  Sydney  Smith,  asked, 
In  the  four  quarters  of  the  globe  who  reads  an  American  book  or  goes  to 
an  American  play  or  looks  at  an  American  picture  or  statue?  What  does 
the  world  yet  owe  to  American  physicians  and  surgeons?  What  new  sub- 
stances have  their  chemists  discovered  or  what  old  ones  have  they  analyzed? 
What  new  constellations  have  been  discovered  by  the  telescopes  of  Ameri- 


170  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

cans?  What  have  they  done  in  mathematics?  Who  drinks  out  of  American 
glasses  or  eats  from  American  plates  or  wears  American  coats  or  gowns  or 
sleeps  in  American  blankets? 

The  answer  is  that  from  the  figures  coming  yesterday  from  the  Depart- 
nient  of  Commerce  and  Labor  we  discovered  that  this  year  $450,000,000  of 
manufactured  articles  from  American  looms  and  factories  go  into  European 
markets  to  compete  with  the  highly  organized  industrial  nations  of  the  world 
in  their  own  market  places.  [Applause.] 

An  American  can  start  and  go  around  the  world  and  not  leave  his  coun- 
try. He  can  cross  the  Pacific  to  Yokohama  in  a  Northern  Pacific  steamer. 
He  rides  through  Japan  and  China  on  American  electrical  appliances.  He 
goes  6,000  miles  across  the  Siberian  railway  in  American  cars,  drawn  by 
American  locomotives.  In  Spain,  alongside  of  their  orange  groves,  he  finds 
California  and  Florida  oranges.  In  France  he  drinks  wine  labeled  French 
which  has  come  from  San  Francisco.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 

He  crosses  the  Nile  upon  a  bridge  made  in  Pittsburg.  [Applause.]  In 
an  English  hotel  he  goes  to  his  room  near  the  roof  in  an  elevator  manufac- 
tured in  New  York.  His  feet  are  in  carpets  made  in  Yonkers.  On  the 
banks  of  the  Ganges  he  reads  his  cables  by  an  electric  light  run  by  an  Ameri- 
can and  made  in  America.  He  goes  under  old  London  in  tunnels  dug  and 
run  by  American  machinery  and  American  genius,  and  then  he  goes  to  New- 
castle and  finds  that  the  impossible  has  been  profitably  accomplished,  and 
coals — American  coals — are  carried  to  Newcastle.  [Laughter  and  applause.] 

Now,  my  friends,  while  we  represent  the  positive,  the  convention  which 
meets  on  the  6th  of  July  represents  that  element  unknown  heretofore  in 
American  politics,  the  opportunist.  It  is  waiting  for  bankruptcy,  waiting  for 
panic,  waiting  for  industrial  depression,  waiting  for  financial  distress. 

There  was  an  old  farmer  upon  the  Maine  coast  who  owned  a  farm  with 
a  rocky  ledge  running  out  into  the  ocean  and  called  Hurricane  Point;  on  it 
ships  were  wrecked,  and  he  gathered  his  harvest  from  the  wreckage,  and,  in 
his  will,  he  wrote,  "I  divide  my  farm  equally  among  my  children,  but  Hur- 
ricane Point  shall  be  kept  for  all  of  you  forever,  for  while  the  winds  blow 
and  the  waves  roll  the  Lord  will  provide."  [Great  laughter.]  But  we  have 
put  a  lighthouse  on  Hurricane  Point,  a  lighthouse  of  protection,  with  a  re- 
volving light  shedding  golden  beams  over  the  ocean,  and  American  com- 
merce in  going  and  coming  is  absolutely  safe.  [Applause.] 

Time  eliminates  reputations.  One  or  two  men  represent  a  period.  There 
are  very  few  statesmen  who  are  remembered  by  succeeding  generations. 
The  heroes  of  the  civil  war  on  both  sides  are  reduced  in  popular  recollection 
to  two  names.  Issues  and  events,  which  make  history,  bring  out  qualities 
of  greatness  in  those  specially  gifted  for  statesmanship  and  government. 
The  constructive  genius  of  the  country  was  first  in  the  Federal,  then  in  the 
Democratic,  then  in  the  Whig  and  for  the  past  half  century  in  the  Repub- 
r.can  party.  This  is  the  result :  In  our  first  era  the  leaders  were  Washing- 
ton, Hamilton  and  Adams,  Federalists ;  in  the  second  era,  Jefferson  and 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       171 

Jackson,  Democrats ;  in  the  third  era,  Webster  and  Clay,  Whigs ;  in  the 
fourth  and  most  productive  era  of  all  that  makes  life  worth  living  and  citi- 
zenship valuable,  Lincoln,  Grant  and  McKinley,  all  Republicans.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

We  love  Roosevelt  because  of  his  "indiscretions."  When  everybody  else 
thought  it  foolish  his  foresight  provided  powder  and  ball  for  Dewey.  When 
the  financial  world  said  it  was  folly  to  enforce  the  laws  the  supreme  court  of 
the  United  States  justified  the  wisdom  of  the  president.  Who  calls  him  rash, 
impetuous  and  tumultuous?  It  is  the  statesmen  who  enacted  the  Wilson  bill, 
with  its  attendant  distress,  bankruptcy  and  ruin ;  the  statesmen  who  would 
have  given  us  silver  at  16  to  i,  with  the  inevitable  collapse  of  our  home  in- 
dustries and  our  foreign  markets ;  it  is  the  statesmen  who  would  give  up  the 
Philippines  and  would  have  lost  the  opportunity  to  build  the  isthmian  canal 
while  discussing  questions  of  international  law  and  constitutional  preroga- 
tives. [Applause.] 

To  Roosevelt's  "impulsiveness,"  "rashness"  and  "indiscretions"  we  owe  the 
settlement  of  the  coal  strike,  which,  if  continued,  would  have  produced 
among  a  freezing  people  in  the  great  cities  and  among  millions  thrown  out  of 
employment,  because  of  manufactories  shut  down,  suffering,  riot  and  revolu- 
tion. We  owe  to  Roosevelt's  "indiscretions,"  "rashness"  and  "impetuosity" 
the  removal  of  the  fear  and  the  perils  of  gigantic  trusts  by  proving  that  they 
are  the  creatures  of  and  within  the  power  of  the  law.  We  owe  to  Roose- 
velt's "indiscretions,"  "rashness"  and  "impetuosity"  the  solution  of  the  prob- 
lem of  400  years,  the  realization  of  the  hope  of  the  statesmen  of  this  coun- 
try for  more  than  a  half  of  a  century,  the  fruition  of  the  dream  of  Columbus 
and  the  welding  of  the  east  and  the  west  and  gaining  of  the  Pacific  ocean 
and  the  Orient  for  our  commerce,  in  the  concession  of  the  right  and  the 
beginning  of  the  work  of  the  construction  of  the  isthmian  canal.  If,  as  our 
opponents  say,  the  campaign  is  Roosevelt,  we  follow  the  fortunes  of  our 
young  leader,  confident  of  victory.  [Applause.] 

OFFICE   OF    VICE-PRESIDENT. 

And  now,  gentlemen,  it  seems  to  me  we  have  not  attached  enough  impor- 
tance to  the  office  of  vice-president  of  the  United  States.  [Applause.]  It 
was  not  so  among  the  fathers.  Then  of  the  two  highest  potential  presi- 
dential possibilities  one  took  the  presidency,  the  other  the  vice-presidency. 
But  in  the  last  forty  years  ridicule  and  caricature  have  placed  the  office 
almost  in  contempt. 

Let  us  remember  that  Thomas  Jefferson,  let  us  remember  that  old  John 
Adams,  let  us  remember  that  John  C.  Calhoun  and  George  Clinton  and 
Martin  Van  Buren  were  vice-presidents  of  the  United  States.  Eighty  mil- 
lion people  want  for  vice-president  a  presidential  figure  of  full  size. 

He  presides  over  the  senate,  but  he  does  more  than  that.  He  is  the 
confidant  of  the  senators.  He  is  the  silent  member  of  every  committee.  He 
is  influential  in  that  legislation  which  originates  and  which  is  shaped  in  the 


172  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

senate,  and  now  that  we  have  become  a  world  power,  now  that  treaties  make 
for  either  our  prosperity,  our  open  door  or  closed  harbors,  he  is  necessarily 
an  important  factor  in  the  machinery  of  the  government. 

By  the  tragic  death  of  McKinley  the  vice-president  was  elevated  to  the 
presidency,  and  today  for  the  first  time  we  have  renominated  the  vice- 
president  who  thus  came  to  be  the  president.  [Applause.] 

All  that  has  been  said  here  about  Theodore  Roosevelt  is  true,  but  the 
highest  tribute  to  him  is  that  the  American  people  for  the  first  time  unani- 
mously demand  that  a  vice-president  shall  be  the  elect  of  their  choice  for 
the  presidency  of  the  United  States. 

Now,  gentlemen,  it  is  my  privilege  in  looking  for  vice-presidential  pos- 
sibilities to  announce  what  you  all  know — that  we  have  found  a  vice-presi- 
dential candidate  of  full  presidential  size.  [Applause.]  Everybody  knows 
that  if  the  towering  figure  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  had  been  out  of  this 
canvass  one  of  the  promising  candidates  before  this  convention  for  president 
of  the  United  States  would  have  been  Charles  W.  Fairbanks.  [Applause.] 

And  New  York,  appreciating  his  great  ability  as  a  lawyer,  appreciating 
the  national  name  he  has  made  for  himself  as  a  senator,  appreciating  his 
dignity,  his  character  and  his  genius  for  public  affairs,  seconds  the  nomina- 
tion of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  for  vice-president  of  the  United  States.  [Pro- 
longed applause  and  cheering.] 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  OF  OHIO. 

Mr.  J.  B.  FORAKER,  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Chairman,  we  have  come  here  to  do 
three  things :  Make  a  platform,  name  the  next  president  of  the  United 
States,  and  also  name  the  next  vice  president  of  the  United  States. 

We  have  done  two  of  these  things,  and  are  about  to  do  the  third.  We 
have  done  both  of  the  things  we  have  done  well.  The  platform  we  adopted 
yesterday  has  already  met  the  favorable  judgment  of  the  American  people. 
It  is  the  counterpart  of  the  best  the  Republican  party  has  ever  adopted,  and, 
if  you  would  know  how  high  is  that  tribute,  recall  the  fact  of  which  every 
Republican  may  justly  feel  proud — that,  of  all  the  many  platforms  we 
have  made  in  the  fifty  years  of  our  party  life,  we  would  not  today  strike  one 
of  them  from  our  record  if  we  could. 

Further  than  that,  there  is  not  a  plank,  or  a  declaration,  or  a  thought,  or 
an  idea  in  one  of  them  that  we  would  erase  if  we  had  the  power.  From  the 
platform  of  1856  down  to  the  one  adopted  yesterday,  all  are  as  sound  as  a 
gold  dollar.  If  you  would  know  what  a  tribute  is  here  to  Republican  patriot- 
ism, wisdom  and  statesmanship,  recall  the  great  questions  with  which  the 
Republican  party  has  dealt  in  making  these  platforms.  They  are  all  im- 
perishable contributions  to  our  political  literature. 

If  you  would  further  know  the  measure  of  our  success,  read  also  of  the 
lamentable  failure  our  Democratic  friends  have  met  with  in  making  their 
platforms.  While  we  are  today  proud  of  the  success  of  ours,  they  cannot 
find  one  platform  they  have  made  in  all  this  period  that  does  not  have  some 


HON.   JOSEPH    B.    FORAKER,   of   Ohio, 

Who  Seconded  the  Nomination  of  Hon.  Charles  W.   Fairbanks  for 
Vice- President. 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.        173 

features  at  least  of  which  they  are  now  ashamed.  Not  all  of  them,  perhaps, 
because  there  are  apparently  some  Democrats  who  can  hardly  be  ashamed 
of  anything.  (Laughter.) 

On  the  platform  made  yesterday  we  have  placed  our  candidate  who  is  to 
head  the  ticket.  It  was  not  as  easy  to  some  of  the  conventions  that  have 
gone  before  to  name  a  Republican  candidate  for  the  presidency,  as  it  was  for 
us  to  name  our  candidate  here  today.  In  former  years,  when  we  have  been 
called  upon  to  choose  between  such  great  leaders  as  Conkling  and  Morton 
and  Elaine  and  Garfield  and  Harrison  and  McKinley,  they  have  been  matched 
so  evenly,  their  claims  for  merit  were  so  nearly  equal,  that  it  was  a  hard 
task.  But  this  time  one  man  stood  head  and  shoulders  above  all  others  of 
our  Republican  leaders,  nominated,  as  has  been  well  said,  from  this  platform 
by  the  American  people  before  we  took  our  seats  in  this  convention.  We 
could  choose  only  him. 

On  the  ticket  with  him,  as  his  associate  for  the  vice  presidency,  we  want 
now  to  place  a  man  who  represents  in  his  personality,  in  his  beliefs,  in  his 
public  services,  in  his  high  character,  all  the  splendid  record  the  Republican 
party  has  made ;  all  the  great  declarations  of  all  our  platforms ;  a  man  who 
will  typify,  as  the  leader  of  our  ticket  will,  the  highest  ambitions  and  the 
noblest  purposes  of  the  Republican  party  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.) 

I  shall  not  detain  you  with  a  eulogy  of  Senator  Fairbanks  beyond  simply 
saying  that  to  all  who  know  him  personally,  as  those  of  us  do  who  have  been 
closely  associated  with  him  in  the  public  service,  he  meets  all  the  require- 
ments so  eloquently  stated  by  Senator  Depew.  He,  indeed,  is  of  presidential 
calibre.  He  has  all  the  qualifications  for  the  high  office  for  which  he  has 
been  named,  ancj,  by  all  of  these  tokens  and  considerations,  in  the  name  of 
the  46  delegates  of  Ohio,  I  second  the  nomination  of  Senator  Fairbanks. 
(Cheers.) 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  SAMUEL  W.  PENNYPACKER,  OF  PENN- 
SYLVANIA. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  to  every 
arch  there  must  be  a  keystone.  In  the  Republican  arch  Pennsylvania  by  name 
and  in  fact  is  the  keystone.  (Applause.)  I  had  three  of  a  kind,  and  now  I 
take  great  pleasure  in  introducing  the  fourth,  Governor  Pennypacker,  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  PENNYPACKER,  of  Pennsylvania. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention :  The 
first  national  convention  of  the  Republican  party  was  held  in  that  city  in  west- 
ern Pennsylvania  which  rivals  in  wealth,  in  enterprise,  in  energy,  the  great 
mart  along  the  shores  of  the  inland  lakes  wherein,  after  the  lapse  of  nearly 
half  a  century,  we  meet  today.  Pennsylvania  may  well  claim  to  be  the  leader 
among  Republican  States.  The  principles  which  are  embodied  in  the  platform 
of  the  party  as  we  have  adopted  it  are  the  results  of  the  teachings  of  her 
scholars  and  statesmen.  Her  majorities  for  the  nominees  of  that  party  are 
greater  and  more  certain  than  those  of  any  other  State.  (Applause.)  She 


174  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

alone  of  all  the  States  since  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  in  1860,  has 
never  given  an  electoral  vote  against  a  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  for 
the  Presidency.  (Applause.)  She  is  generous  and  unselfish  in  her  devo- 
tion. During  the  period  of  half  a  century  that  has  gone  no  son  of  hers  has 
been  either  President  or  Vice  President.  She  has  been  satisfied,  like  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  to  be  the  maker  of  kings.  (Applause.)  She  has  been  content 
that  you  should  have  regard  to  the  success  of  the  party  and  the  welfare  of 
the  country  rather  than  to  the  personal  interests  of  her  citizens. 

The  waters  of  the  Ohio,  rising  in  the  mountains  of  Pennsylvania,  roll 
westward,  bearing  fertility  and  men  to  the  prairie  lands  of  Indiana.  The 
thought  of  Pennsylvania  turns  with  kindred  feeling  toward  the  State  which 
has  produced  Oliver  P.  Morton,  Benjamin  Harrison  and  the  brave  Hoosiers 
who  fought  alongside  of  Reynolds  on  the  Oak  Ridge  at  Gettysburg.  (Ap- 
plause.) She  recalls  that  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Uncle  Joe  Cannon,  both  of 
them  wanderers  from  the  South  to  reach  distinction  in  the  North,  before 
they  came  to  Illinois  had  a  preliminary  training  in  Indiana.  (Applause.) 

She  well  remembers  that  when  her  own  Senator,  he  who  did  so  much 
for  the  Republican  party,  and  whose  wise  counsels,  alas !  are  missing  today, 
bore  a  commission  to  Washington,  he  had  no  more  sincere  supporter  than  the 
able  and  distinguished  statesman  who  then,  as  he  does  now,  represented  In- 
diana in  the  United  States  Senate.  (Applause.) 

Pennsylvania  with  the  approval  of  her  judgment  and  with  glad  anticipa- 
tion of  victory  in  her  heart,  following  a  leader,  who,  like  the  Chevalier  of 
France,  is  without  fear  and  without  reproach,  seconds  the  nomination  for  the 
Vice  Presidency  of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana. 

SPEECH  OF  MR.  THOMAS  H.  CARTER,  OF  MONTANA. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  we  have  had 
four  of  a  kind.  Wonderful  to  relate,  here  is  a  fifth  ace — Tom  Carter,  of 
Montana.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  CARTER,  of  Montana. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  it  will  be  at 
once  consoling  and  reassuring  to  you  for  me  to  announce  that  I  do  not  rise 
to  make  a  speech,  but  merely  to  deliver  a  message. 

You  will  all  recall  how  upon  a  historic  day  eight  years  ago  the  inter- 
mountain  country,  theretofore  solidly  Republican,  became  tempest  tossed  and 
disconcerted.  It  will  be  remembered  with  regret  that  since  1892  Republican 
electoral  votes  in  the  Rocky  Mountain  country  have  been  few  and  far  be- 
tween. I  am  here  today  to  say  to  you  that  from  the  Canadian  line  to  the 
south  line  of  Colorado,  and  from  the  Missouri  river  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  each 
and  every  vote  will  be  cast  for  Theodore  Roosevelt  in  the  Electoral  Col- 
lege. (Applause.) 

The  manner  in  which  this  happy  result  has  been  brought  about  is  well 
worth  a  moment's  consideration.  We  all  recall  the  kind,  considerate  and  wise 
administration  of  affairs  by  William  McKinley  and  his  successor  as  Presi- 
dent guided,  aided  and  assisted  by  the  venerated  Mark  Hanna,  of  Ohio.  (Ap- 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       175 

plause.)  Of  all  those  who  have  been  sympathetic  through  good  and  evil  re- 
port, while  standing  inflexible  for  the  cardinal  principles  of  the  party,  one 
of  the  strongest  and  most  comforting  who  have  helped  has  been  Charles  W. 
Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  whose  nomination  I  second.  With  Roosevelt  and 
Fairbanks  the  West  will  be  secure.  (Applause.)  I  thank  you.  (Applause.) 

WITHDRAWAL  OF  MR.  R.  R.  HITT'S  NAME. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Are  there  further  nominations?  (Cries 
of  "No,  No.")  If  not,  by  unanimous  consent,  the  further  call  of  the  States 
will  be  dispensed  with. 

Mr.  SHELBY  M.  CULLOM,  of  Illinois. — Before  any  vote  shall  be  taken, 
Mr.  Chairman,  I  desire  to  say  one  word.  Illinois  had  the  great  honor  of 
having  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  Vice-President,  the  Honorable  Robert 
R.  Hitt.  (Applause.)  A  day  or  two  ago  I  received  a  telegram  from  that 
distinguished  gentleman  stating  that  as  the  sentiment  of  the  country  seemed 
so  unanimous  for  Senator  Fairbanks,  he  desired  that  I  should  withdraw  his 
name  from  consideration  in  connection  with  the  great  offce. 

Therefore,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  Illinois  delegation  met  together,  accepted 
the  suggestion  of  Robert  R.  Hitt,  and  determined  to  give  its  solid  vote  to 
Charles  W.  Fairbanks  for  Vice-President  of  the  United  State.  (Applause.) 

NOMINATION  OF  CANDIDATE  FOR  VICE  PRESIDENT. 

Mr.  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  ask  unani- 
mous consent  that  the  roll  call  be  dispensed  with  and  that  Senator  Fair- 
banks' nomination  be  made  by  an  unanimous  viva  1'oce  vote. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  New  York  asks 
unanimous  consent  that  the  roll  call  of  the  States  be  dispensed  with,  and  that 
Senator  Fairbanks  be  chosen  unanimously  by  this  convention  as  our  candi- 
date for  the  vice  presidency. 

Mr.  W.  P.  MILES,  of  Nebraska. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  Nebraska  delegation 
withholds  for  just  a  moment  its  consent  to  that  request. 

On  behalf  of  Nebraska's  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  the  Nebraska 
delegation  extends  greeting  to  Indiana.  It  .recognizes  that  in  Roosevelt  and 
Fairbanks  we  have  a  combination  of  character  and  intelligence  worthy  of  the 
aspirations  and  traditions  of  the  Republican  party,  and  we,  therefore,  second 
the  nomination.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  L.  F.  PARKER,  of  Missouri. — I  am  unanimously  instructed  by  the 
delegation  from  Missouri  to  say  that  Missouri  recognizes,  and  cheerfully  rec- 
ognizes, the  practically  unanimous  will  of  this  convention,  and  withdraws  the 
name  of  Cyrus  Walbridge  as  its  candidate  for  the  Vice  Presidency  of  the 
United  States.  It  further  instructs  me  to  cast  its  unanimous  vote  for  Charles 
W.  Fairbanks  for  that  honor.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  HENRY  BLUN,  JR.,  of  Georgia.— Mr.  Chairman,  Georgia  instructed 
her  delegation  to  cast  her  ballot  for  one  of  her  sons,  but  realizing  that  sound 
money  makes  sound  banks,  and  that  sound  banks  make  certain  Fairbanks 


176  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

(laughter),  she  withdraws,  and  Georgia  seconds  the  nomination  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  Indiana,  Mr.  Charles  W.  Fairbanks.  (Applause.) 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Is  there  objection  to  the  request  of  the 
gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Depew)  that  the  roll  call  on  the  question  of 
nominating  a  candidate  for  Vice  President  be  dispensed  with,  and  that  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Fairbanks  be  made  by  acclamation.  The  Chair  hears  none. 
All  those  who  are  in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  will 
say  "aye." 

The  vote  was  unanimous  in  the  affirmative. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — It  only  remains  for  the  Chair  to  declare  by 
the  unanimous  choice  of  the  convention  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  of  the  State  of 
Indiana,  is  our  candidate  for  Vice  President  for  the  term  commencing  on 
the  4th  of  March,  1905.  (Applause.) 

(There  were  calls  for  Mr.  Fairbanks.) 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Senator  Fairbanks  is  not  in  the  hall. 


COMMITTEES  TO  NOTIFY  THE  NOMINEES. 

Mr.  J.  P.  DOLLJVER,  of  Iowa. — Mr.  Chairman  I  offer  the  resolution  which 
I  send  to  the  desk. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Iowa  offers  a  reso- 
lution which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  Permanent  Chairman  of  this  Convention,  Hon.  Joseph 
G.  Cannon,  of  Illinois,  be  appointed  chairman  of  the  committee  to  notify  Hon. 
Theodore  Roosevelt  of  his  nomination  for  President;  and  that  Temporary 
Chairman,  Hon.  Elihu  Root,  of  New  York,  be  appointed  chairman  of  the 
committee  to  notify  Hon.  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  of  his  nomination  for  Vice- 
President;  and  that  the  committee  notify  the  candidate  for  President  on  July 
27th,  and  the  candidate  for  Vice-President  on  August  3rd. 

The  GENERAL  SECRETARY    (Mr.   C.   W.   Johnson). — The   question   is   on 
agreeing  to  the  resolution  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Iowa. 
The  resolution  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 


PUBLICATION  OF  PROCEEDINGS. 

Mr.  KNUTE  NELSON,  of  Minnesota. — I  submit  for  consideration  the  reso- 
lution which  I  send  to  the  desk. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Minnesota  presents  a 
resolution  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Convention  is  hereby  directed  to  prepare 
and  publish  a  full  and  complete  report  of  the  official  proceedings  of  this  con- 
vention, under  the  direction  of  the  National  Committee,  co-operating  with  the 
local  committee. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       177 

THANKS   TO   CONVENTION   OFFICERS. 

Mr.  W.  B.  HEYBURN,  of  Idaho. — I  offer  the  resolution  which  I  send  to 
the  desk. 

The  resolution  was  read,  and  unanimously  agreed  to,  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  are  tendered  to  the  Temporary 
Chairman,  the  Permanent  Chairman,  the  Secretary  and  his  Assistants,  the 
Sergeant-at-Arms,  and  his  Deputies,  Clerk  at  the  Chairman's  desk,  the  Reading 
and  Tally  Clerks,  the  Official  Reporter,  and  the  Messengers. 

THANKS  TO  THE  CITY  OF  CHICAGO,  ETC. 

Mr.  FRANKLIN  MURPHY,  of  New  Jersey. — I  offer  a  resolution  and  ask  for 
its  present  consideration. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  New  Jersey  offers  a 
resolution  which  will  be  read. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  are  hereby  tendered  to  the  Hon. 
Samuel  B.  Raymond,  Chairman,  and  the  members  of  the  Chicago  Committee  on 
Arrangements;  the  members  of  the  sub-committee  of  the  Republican  National 
Committee,  the  citizens  of  Chicago,  etc.,  for  the  hospitable  and  perfect  pro- 
vision made  for  the  sessions  of  the  convention,  and  the  entertainment  of  the 
delegates,  alternates  and  visitors. 

The  resolution  was  unanimously  agreed  to. 


178  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

COMMITTEE  TO  NOTIFY  HONORABLE  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  now  read  the  names  of  the 
members  of  the  committee  appointed  to  notify  Honorable  Theodore  Roosevelt 
of  his  nomination. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

States  or  Territories  Name. 

Alabama J.    O.    THOMPSON 

Arkansas H.   L.  REMMEL. 

California GEORGE  C.    PARDEE 

Colorado CHARLES  F.  CASWELL 

Connecticut CHARLES   S.   MELLEN 

Delaware FRANCIS   S.   BRADLEY 

Florida JAMES   N.    COOMBS 

Georgia H.   S.    EDWARDS 

Idaho WELDON  B.  HEYBURN 

Illinois ISAAC    L.    ELLWOOD 

Indiana W.    R.    McKEEN 

Iowa GEORGE  M.   CURTIS 

Kansas W.   T.   F.   DONALD 

Kentucky CHARLES  F.  WEAVER 

Louisiana EMIL    KUNTZ 

Maine ERNEST  M.  GOOD  ALL 

Maryland FELEX    ANGUS 

Massachusetts CHARLES  G.  WASHBURN 

Michigan CHARLES  E.    SWEET 

Minnesota WALTER  W.  HEFFELFINGER 

Mississippi L.   B.  MOSELEY 

Missouri W.   C.   PIERCE 

Montana CONRAD  KOHRS 

Nebraska GURDON   W.   WATTLES 

Nevada E.    S.  FARINGTON 

New  Hampshire ROSECRANS  W.  PILLSBURY 

New  Jersey LESLIE  D.  WARD 

New  York CHAUNCEY  M.   DEPEW 

North  Carolina I.  M.  MEEKINS 

North  Dakota V.  B.  NOBLE 

Ohio GEORGE   P.   WALDORF 

Oregon S.  J.  KLEIN 

Pennsylvania FRANCIS   L.   ROBBINS 

Rhode  Island H.   MARTIN  BROWN 

South  Carolina A.  D.   WEBSTER 

South  Dakota G.  E.  ANDREWS 

Tennessee T.    A.   LANCASTER 

Texas W.   S.   SIMPSON 

Utah WILLARD  F.  SNYDER 

Vermont JAMES  F.  HOOKER 

Virginia S.   BROWN  ALLEN 

Washington J.   G.    LEWIS 

West  Virginia J.   L.   CALDWELL 

Wisconsin O.  H.  FETHERS 

Wyoming C.   D.  CLARK 

District  of  Columbia JOHN  F.   COOK 

Alaska J.  W.  IVEY 

Arizona..  A.  O.   BRODIE 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      179 

Indian  Territory GEORGE  W.  BIGHAM 

New  Mexico M.   A.   OTERO 

Oklahoma W.   D.   BOSSETT 

Hawaii ERIC  A.  KNUDSON 

Philippines E.    C.    McCULLOUGH 

Porto  Rico R.  H.  TODD 

COMMITTEE  TO   NOTIFY  HONORABLE   CHARLES   W.   FAIR- 
BANKS. 

The  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Clerk  will  now  read  the  names  of  the 
members  of  the  committee  appointed  to  notify  Honorable  Charles  W.  Fair- 
banks of  his  nomination. 

The  READING  CLERK  read  as  follows : 

State  or  Territory.  Name. 

Alabama L.   J.   BRYAN 

Arkansas    T.    O.   FITZPATRICK 

California M.  A.  GUNST 

Colorado THOMAS  P.  WALSH 

Connecticut CHARLES  C.  BISSELL 

Delaware G.  LAYTON  GRIER 

Florida JOSEPH  E.  LEE 

Georgia E.    F.   BLODGETT 

Idaho C.  J.  HALL 

Illinois VESPASIAN    WARNER 

Indiana JOSEPH  HUDSPETH 

Iowa J.  W.   DOXSEE 

Kansas O.   Z.   SMITH 

Kentucky JAMES    BREATHITT 

Louisiana C.  C.  DUSON 

Maine EDWIN    RILEY 

Maryland JAMES  E.  INGRAM,  JR. 

Massachusetts WM.    SHEPHERD 

Michigan THOMAS  WALTERS 

Minnesota AMOS    MARCKEL 

Mississippi R.  A.   SIMMONS 

Missouri E.  S.  BROWN 

Montana J.  E.  EDWARDS 

Nebraska H.   M.   CHILDS 

Nevada H.   B.  MAXSON 

New  Hampshire EDWIN  C.  BEAN 

New  Jersey EDMUND  WILSON 

New  York ELIHU  ROOT 

North   Carolina B.   F.   MEBANE 

North   Dakota B.    PROM 

Ohio GEO.    W.    McMURCHY 

Oregon N.    C.    RICHARDS 

Pennsylvania W.  L.  CONNELL 

Rhode  Island SAMUEL  L.  PECK 

South  Carolina W.  D.  CRUM 

South  Dakota H.   GODDARD 

Tennessee A.  A.  HORNSBY 

Texas C.   DICKSON 

Utah..  L.  W.   SHURTLIFF 


180  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Vermont JAMES  F.  MANNING 

'  Virginia C.    G.    SMITHERS 

Washington A.   B.  EASTHAM 

West  Virginia ENOCH   CARVER 

Wisconsin A.   W.   McLEOD 

Wyoming F.  W.  MONDELL 

District   of  Columbia ROBERT  REYBURN 

Alaska W.  D.  GRANT 

Arizona J.    X.    WOODS 

Indian  Territory CHAS.  W.   RAYMOND 

New  Mexico D.  J.   LEAHY 

Oklahoma JNO.   H.  COTTERAL 

Hawaii A.   G.  M.  ROBERTSON 

Philippine  Islands JOHN   M.    SWITZER 

Porto  Rico JOSE   GOMEZ  BRIOSO 

FINAL  ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr.  GRAEME  STEWART,  of  Illinois. — I  move  that  the  convention  do  now 
adjourn  sine  die. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  (at  2  o'clock  and  22  minutes  p.  m.)  the 
Chair  declared  the  convention  adjourned  without  day. 


Official  Notification  of  Candidates 


ADDRESS  OF  HON.  JOSEPH  G.  CANNON 

Notifying  President  Roosevelt  of  his  Nomination  for  President 
at  Oyster  Bay,  N.  Y.,  July  27,  1894. 

Mr.  President : — The  people  of  the  United  States,  by  blood,  heredity,  edu- 
cation and  practice,  are  a  self-governing  people.  We  have  sometimes  been 
subject  to  prejudice  and  embarrassment  from  harmful  conditions,  but  we 
have  outgrown  prejudice  and  overcome  conditions  as  rapidly  as  possible, 
having  due  regard  to  law  and  the  rights  of  individuals.  We  have  some- 
times made  mistakes,  from  a  false  sense  of  security  or  from  a  desire  to 
change  policies  instead  of  letting  well  enough  alone,  merely  to  see  what 
would  happen,  but  we  have  always  paid  the  penalty  of  unwise  action  at 
the  ballot  box  and  endured  the  suffering  until,  under  the  law,  through  the 
ballot  box,  we  have  returned  to  correct  policies.  Tested  by  experience,  no 
nation  has  so  successfully  solved  all  problems  and  chosen  proper  policies 
as  our  nation.  Under  the  lead  of  the  Republican  party  for  over  forty  years, 
the  United  States,  from  being  a  third-class  power  among  the  nations,  has 
become  in  every  respect  first.  The  people  rule.  The  people  ruling,  it  is 
necessary  that  they  should  be  competent  to  rule.  Competency  requires  not 
only  patriotism  but  material  well-being,  education,  statecraft. 

The  people,  under  the  lead  of  the  Republican  party,  wrote  upon  the  statute 
books  revenue  laws,  levying  taxes  upon  the  products  of  foreign  countries 
seeking  our  markets,  which  replenished  our  treasury,  but  were  so  adjusted 
as  to  encourage  our  people  in  developing,  diversifying  and  maintaining  our 
industries,  at  the  same  time  protecting  our  citizens  laboring  in  production 
against  the  competition  of  foreign  labor.  Under  this  policy,  our  manufac- 
tured product  today  is  one-third  of  the  product  of  the  civilized  world,  and 
our  people  receive  almost  double  the  pay  for  their  labor  that  similar  labor 
receives  elsewhere  in  the  world,  thereby  enabling  us  to  bear  the  burdens  of 
citizenship. 

Liberal  compensation  for  labor  makes  liberal  customers  for  our  prod- 
ucts. Under  this  policy  of  protection,  our  home  market  affords  all  our  peo- 
ple a  better  market  than  has  any  other  people  on  earth,  and  this,  too,  even  if 
we  did  not  sell  any  of  our  products  abroad.  In  addition  to  this,  we  have 
come  to  be  the  greatest  exporting  nation  in  the  world.  For  the  year  ending 
the  3Oth  of  June,  1904,  our  exports  to  foreign  countries  were  valued  at  $i,- 
460,000,000,  of  which  $450,000,000  were  products  of  the  factory.  The  world 
fell  in  our  debt  last  year  $470,000,000,  an  increase  of  $75,000,000  over  the 
preceding  year. 


182  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

This  policy  of  protection  has  always  been  opposed  by  the  opponents  of 
the  Republican  party,  and  is  opposed  by  them  today.  In  their  last  national 
platform,  adopted  at  St.  Louis,  they  denounce  protection  as  robbery.  They 
never  have  been  given  power  but  they  proceeded  by  word  and  act  to  destroy 
the  policy  of  protection.  Their  platform  is  as  silent  as  the  grave  touching 
the  gold  standard  and  our  currency  system.  Their  chosen  leader,  after  his 
nomination,  having  been  as  silent  as  the  sphynx  up  to  that  time,  sent  his 
telegram,  saying  in  substance  that  the  gold  standard  is  established,  and  that 
he  will  govern  himself  accordingly  if  he  should  be  elected. 

I  congratulate  him.  It  is  better  to  be  right  late  than  never.  It  is  better 
to  be  right  in  one  thing  than  wrong  in  all  things.  I  wonder  if  it  ever 
occurred  to  him  that  if  his  vote  and  support  for  his  party's  candidate  in 
1896  and  1900  had  been  decisive  we  would  now  have  the  silver  standard.  I 
wonder  what  made  him  send  that  telegram  after  he  was  nominated,  and  why 
he  did  not  send  it  before!  When  did  he  have  a  change  of  heart  and  judg- 
ment? And  does  he  at  heart  believe  in  the  gold  standard  and  our  currency 
system,  or  does  he  try  now  to  reap  where  he  has  not  sown?  If,  perchance, 
he  should  be  elected  by  forcing  together  discordant  elements,  I  submit  that, 
with  a  democratic  House  of  Representatives  or  House  and  Senate,  there 
would  be  no  harmonious  action  in  legislation  or  administration  that  would 
benefit  the  people,  but  that  doubt  and  discontent  would  everywhere  distress 
production  and  labor.  Consumption  would  be  curtailed.  In  short,  we  would 
have  an  experience  similar  to  that  from  1893  to  i%97-  If  this  chosen  leader 
and  his  friends  are  converts  to  Republican  policies,  should  not  they  "bring 
forth  fruits  meet  for  repentance"  before  they  ask  to  be  placed  in  the  highest 
positions  to  affect  the  well-being  of  all ;  or,  if  they  profess  all  things  to  all 
men,  then  they  are  not  worthy  the  confidence  of  any  man.  If  clothed  with 
power,  will  they  follow  in  the  paths  of  legislation  according  to  their  loves 
and  votes  as  manifested  by  their  action  always  heretofore,  or  will  they  stand 
by,  protect  and  defend  the  gold  standard  and  our  currency  system  that 
have  been  created  under  the  lead  of  the  Republican  party? 

Correct  revenue  laws,  protection  or  free  trade,  the  gold  standard  and 
our  currency  system,  all  depend  upon  the  sentiment  of  the  majority  of  our 
people  as  voiced  at  the  ballot  box.  A  majority  may  change  our  revenue 
laws ;  a  majority  may  change  our  currency  laws ;  a  majority  may  destroy 
the  gold  standard  and  establish  the  silver  standard ;  or,  in  lieu  of  either  or 
both,  make  the  treasury  note,  non-interest-bearing  and  irredeemable,  the  sole 
standard  of  value. 

Sir,  let  us  turn  from  the  region  of  doubt  and  double-dealing,  the  debatable 
land,  to  the  region  of  assured  certainty.  The  Republican  party  stands  for 
protection.  It  stands  for  the  gold  standard  and  our  currency  system.  All 
these  dwell  in  legislation  enacted  under  the  lead  of  the  Republican  party 
and  against  the  most  determined  opposition  of  the  Democratic  party,  includ- 
ing its  leader  and  candidate.  These  being  our  policies,  and  having  been 
most  useful  to  the  country,  we  have  confidence  in  and  love  them.  If  it  be 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       183 

necessary  from  time  to  time  that  they  should  be  strengthened  here  and  con- 
trolled there,  the  Republican  party  stands  ready,  with  loving,  competent 
hands,  to  apply  the  proper  remedy.  I  say  "remedy."  Being  our  policies, 
we  will  not  willingly  subject  them  to  their  enemies  for  slow  starvation  on 
the  one  hand  or  to  sudden  destruction  on  the  other. 

Since  the  Republican  party  was  restored  to  power,  in  1897,  under  the  lead 
of  McKinley,  our  country  has  prospered  in  production  and  in  commerce  as  it 
has  never  prospered  before.  In  wealth,  we  stand  first  among  all  the  nations. 
Under  the  lead  of  William  McKinley,  the  war  with  Spain  was  speedily 
brought  to  a  successful  conclusion.  Under  the  treaty  of  peace  and  our 
action,  Cuba  is  free ;  and,  under  guaranties  written  in  her  constitution  and 
our  legislation,  it  is  assured  that  she  will  ever  remain  free.  We  also  acquired 
Porto  Rico,  Guam  and  the  Philippines,  by  a  treaty,  the  ratification  of  which 
was  only  possible  by  the  votes  of  Democratic  Senators.  Civil  government 
has  been  established  in  Porto  Rico,  and  we  are  journeying  towards  civil 
government  in  the  Philippines  as  rapidly  as  the  people  of  the  archipelago 
are  able  to  receive  it ;  and  this,  too,  notwithstanding  the  false  cry  of  "im- 
perialism" raised  by  the  Democratic  party  and  still  insisted  upon,  which  led 
to  insurrection  in  the  Philippines  and  tends  to  lead  to  further  insurrection 
there.  The  record  of  the  Republican  party  under  the  lead  of  William  Mc- 
Kinley has  passed  into  history.  Who  dares  assail  it? 

In  the  history  of  the  Republic,  in  time  of  peace,  no  executive  has  had 
greater  questions  to  deal  with  than  yourself,  and  none  have  brought  greater 
courage,  wisdom  and  patriotism  to  their  solution.  You  have  enforced  the 
law  against  the  mighty  and  the  lowly  without  fear,  favor  or  partiality.  Un- 
der the  constitution,  you  have  recommended  legislation  to  Congress  from 
time  to  time,  as  it  was  your  duty  to  do,  and  when  it  was  passed  by  Congress, 
have  approved  it.  You  have,  under  the  constitution,  led  in  making  a  treaty 
which  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  and  is  approved  by  the  people,  which  not 
only  assures,  but,  under  the  law  and  appropriations  made  by  Congress,  pro- 
ceeds with  the  construction  of  the  Panama  Canal. 

The  Republican  party}  under  your  leadership,  keeps  its  record  from  the 
beginning  under  Lincoln  of  doing  things,  the  right  thing  at  the  right  time 
and  in  the  right  way,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  those  who  oppose 
the  right  policies  from  the  selfish  or  partisan  standpoint.  They  dare  not 
tell  the  truth  about  your  official  action  or  the  record  of  the  party  and  then 
condemn  it.  They  can,  for  selfish  or  partisan  reasons,  abuse  you  personally 
and  misrepresent  the  party  which  you  lead.  It  is  true,  however,  that,  so  far, 
their  abuse  of  your  action  and  their  alleged  fear  of  your  personality  is  in- 
significant as  compared  with  the  personal  and  partisan  carpings  against  Lin- 
coln, Grant  and  McKinley  when  they  were  clothed  with  power  by  the  peo- 
ple. Those  whose  only  grievance  is  that  you  have  enforced  the  law  and 
those  who  carp  for  more  partisan  capital  will  not,  in  my  judgment,  reap  the 
harvest  of  success.  The  Republican  party  for  you  and  under  your  leader- 
ship appeals  to  the  great  body  of  the  people  who  live  in  the  sweat  of  their 


184  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

faces,  make  the  civilization,  control  the  Republic,  fight  its  battles  and  deter- 
mine its  policies,  for  approval  and  continuance  in  power. 

The  office  of  President  of  the  United  States  is  the  greatest  on  earth,  and 
many  competent  men  in  the  Republican  party  are  ambitious  to  hold  it,  yet 
the  Republican  convention  met  at  Chicago,  June  last,  and  cordially,  with  one 
accord,  nominated  you  as  the  candidate  of  the  party  for  President.  I  am 
sure  all  Republicans  and  a  multitude  of  good  citizens  who  do  not  call  them- 
selves Republicans,  said  "Amen." 

In  pursuance  of  the  usual  custom,  the  convention  appointed  a  committee, 
of  which  it  honored  me  with  the  chairmanship,  to  wait  upon  you  and  inform 
you  of  its  action,  which  duty,  speaking  for  the  committee,  I  now  cheerfully 
perform,  with  the  hope  and  the  confident  expectation  that  a  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  Republic  will,  in  November  next,  approve  the  action  of  the 
convention  by  choosing  electors  who  will  assure  your  election  to  the  Presi- 
dency as  your  own  successor. 


PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELTS  REPLY 

The  President  replied,  as  follows : 
Mr.  Speaker  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Notification  Committee : 

I  am  deeply  sensible  of  the  high  honor  conferred  upon  me  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Republican  party  assembled  in  convention,  and  I  accept 
the  nomination  for  the  Presidency  with  solemn  realization  of  the  obligations 
I  assume.  I  heartily  approve  the  declaration  of  principles  which  the  Re- 
publican National  Convention  has  adopted,  and  at  some  future  day  I  shall 
communicate  to  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  more  at  length  and  in  detail  a  formal 
written  acceptance  of  the  nomination. 

Three  years  ago  I  became  President  because  of  the  death  of  my  lamented 
predecessor.  I  then  stated  that  it  was  my  purpose  to  carry  out  his  principles 
and  policies  for  the  honor  and  the  interest  of  the  country.  To  the  best  of 
my  ability  I  have  kept  the  promise  thus  made.  If  next  November  my  coun- 
trymen confirm  at  the  polls  the  action  of  the  convention  you  represent,  I 
shall,  under  Providence,  continue  to  work  with  an  eye  single  to  the  welfare 
of  all  our  people. 

A  party  is  of  worth  only  in  so  far  as  it  promotes  the  national  interest,  and 
every  official,  high  or  low,  can  serve  his  party  best  by  rendering  to  the  peo- 
ple the  best  service  of  which  he  is  capable.  Effective  government  comes 
only  as  the  result  of  the  loyal  co-operation  of  many  different  persons.  Th«- 
members  of  a  legislative  majority,  the  officers  in  the  various  departments  of 
the  Administration,  and  the  Legislative  and  Executive  branches  as  towards 
each  other,  must  work  together  with  subordination  of  self  to  the  common 
end  of  successful  government.  We  who  have  been  entrusted  with  power 
as  public  servants  during  the  past  seven  years  of  administration  and  legisla- 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       185 

tion  now  come  before  the  people  content  to  be  judged  by  our  record  of 
achievement.  In  the  years  that  have  gone  by  we  have  made  the  deed 
square  with  the  word ;  and  if  we  are  continued  in  power  we  shall  unswerv- 
ingly follow  out  the  great  lines  of  public  policy  which  the  Republican  party 
has  already  laid  down ;  a  public  policy  to  which  we  are  giving,  and  shall 
give  a  united,  and  therefore  an  efficient,  support. 

In  all  of  this  we  are  more  fortunate  than  our  opponents,  who  now  appeal 
for  confidence  on  the  ground,  which  some  express  and  some  seek  to  have 
confidentially  understood,  that  if  triumphant  they  may  be  trusted  to  prove 
false  to  every  principle  which  in  the  last  eight  years  they  have  laid  down 
as  vital,  and  to  leave  undisturbed  those  very  acts  of  the  administration  be- 
cause of  which  they  ask  that  the  administration  itself  be  driven  from  pow- 
er. Seemingly  their  present  attitude  as  to  their  past  record  is  that  some  of 
them  were  mistaken  and  others  insincere.  We  make  our  appeal  in  a  wholly 
different  spirit.  We  are  not  constrained  to  keep  silent  on  any  vital  ques- 
tion ;  we  are  divided  on  no  vital  question :  our  policy  is  continuous,  and  is 
the  same  for  all  sections  and  localities.  There  is  nothing  experimental  about 
the  government  we  ask  the  people  to  continue  in  power,  for  our  performance 
in  the  past,  our  proved  governmental  efficiency,  is  a  guarantee  as  to  our 
promises  for  the  future.  Our  opponents,  either  openly  or  secretly,  according 
to  their  several  temperaments,  now  ask  the  people  to  trust  their  present 
promises  in  consideration  of  the  fact  that  they  intend  to  treat  their  past 
promises  as  null  and  void.  We  know  our  own  minds  and  we  have  kept  of  the 
same  mind  for  a  sufficient  length  of  time  to  give  to  our  policy  coherence  and 
sanity.  In  such  a  fundamental  matter  as  the  enforcement  of  the  law  we  do 
not  have  to  depend  upon  promises,  but  merely  to  ask  that  our  record  be 
taken  as  an  earnest  of  what  we  shall  continue  to  do.  In  dealing  with  the 
great  organizations  known  as  trusts,  we  do  not  have  to  explain  why  the 
laws  were  not  enforced,  but  to  point  out  that  they  actually  have  been  en- 
forced and  that  legislation  has  been  enacted  to  increase  the  effectiveness  of 
their  enforcement.  We  do  not  have  to  propose  to  "turn  the  rascals  out,"  for 
we  have  shown  in  very  deed  that  whenever  by  diligent  investigation  a  pub- 
lic official  can  be  found  who  has  betrayed  his  trust  he  will  be  punished  to 
the  full  extent  of  the  law  without  regard  to  whether  he  was  appointed  under 
a  Republican  or  a  Democratic  administration.  This  is  the  efficient  way  to 
turn  the  rascals  out  and  to  keep  them  out,  and  it  has  the  merit  of  sincerity. 
Moreover  the  betrayals  of  trust  in  the  last  seven  years  have  been  insignifi- 
cant in  number  when  compared  with  the  extent  of  the  public  service.  Never 
has  the  administration  of  the  government  been  on  a  cleaner  and  higher 
level ;  never  has  the  public  work  of  the  nation  been  done  more  honestly  and 
efficiently. 

Assuredly  it  is  unwise  to  change  the  policies  which  have  worked  so  well 
and  which  are  now  working  so  well.  Prosperity  has  come  at  home.  The 
national  honor  and  interest  have  been  upheld  abroad.  We  have  placed  the 
finances  of  the  nation  upon  a  sound  gold  basis.  We  have  done  this  with 


186  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

the  aid  of  many  who  were  formerly  our  opponents,  but  who  would  neither 
openly  support  nor  silently  acquiesce  in  the  heresy  of  unsound  finance; 
and  we  have  done  it  against  the  convinced  and  violent  opposition  of  the  mass 
of  our  present  opponents  who  still  refuse  to  recant  the  unsound  opinions 
which  for  the  moment  they  think  it  inexpedient  to  assert.  We  know  what 
we  mean  when  we  speak  of  an  honest  and  stable  currency.  We  mean  the 
same  thing  from  year  to  year.  We  do  not  have  to  avoid  a  definite  and  con- 
clusive committal  on  the  most  important  issue  which  has  recently  been  be- 
fore the  people,  and  which  may  at  any  time  in  the  near  future  be  before 
them  again.  Upon  the  principles  which  underlie  this  issue  the  convictions 
of  half  of  our  number  do  not  clash  with  those  of  the  other  half.  So  long 
as  the  Republican  party  is  in  power  the  gold  standard  is  settled,  not  as  a 
matter  of  temporary  political  expediency,  not  because  of  shifting  conditions 
in  the  production  of  gold  in  certain  mining  centers,  but  in  accordance  with 
what  we  regard  as  the  fundamental  principles  of  national  morality  and  wis- 
dom. 

Under  the  financial  legislation  which  we  have  enacted  there  is  now  ample 
circulation  for  every  business  need ;  and  every  dollar  of  this  circulation  is 
worth  a  dollar  in  gold.  We  have  reduced  the  interest-bearing  debt  and  in 
still  larger  measure  the  interest  on  that  debt.  All  of  the  war  taxes  imposed 
during  the  Spanish  war  have  been  removed  with  a  view  to  relieve  the  peo- 
ple and  to  prevent  the  accumulation  of  an  unnecessary  surplus.  The  result 
is  that  hardly  ever  before  have  the  expenditures  and  income  of  the  govern- 
ment so  closely  corresponded.  In  the  fiscal  year  that  has  just  closed  the 
excess  of  income  over  the  ordinary  expenditures  was  nine  millions  of  dol- 
lars. This  does  not  take  account  of  the  fifty  millions  expended  out  of  the 
accumulated  surplus  for  the  purchase  of  the  Isthmian  Canal.  It  is  an  ex- 
traordinary proof  of  the  sound  financial  condition  of  the  nation  that  instead 
of  following  the  usual  course  in  such  matters  and  throwing  the  burden 
upon  posterity  by  an  issue  of  bonds,  we  were  able  to  make  the  payment  out- 
right and  yet  after  it  to  have  in  the  treasury  a  surplus  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty-one  millions.  Moreover,  we  were  able  to  pay  the  fifty  millions  of  dol- 
lars out  of  hand  without  causing  the  slightest  disturbance  to  business  con- 
ditions. 

We  have  enacted  a  tariff  law  under  which  during  the  past  few  years  the 
country  has  attained  a  height  of  material  well-being  never  before  reached. 
Wages  are  higher  than  ever  before.  That  whenever  the  need  arises  there 
should  be  a  readjustment  of  the  tariff  schedules  is  undoubted ;  but  such 
changes  can  with  safety  be  made  only  by  those  whose  devotion  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  a  protective  tariff  is  beyond  question ;  for  otherwise  the  changes 
would  amount  not  to  readjustment  but  to  repeal.  The  readjustment  when 
made  must  maintain  and  not  destroy  the  protective  principle.  To  the  farmer, 
the  merchant,  the  manufacturer  this  is  vital ;  but  perhaps  no  other  man  is 
so  much  interested  as  the  wage-worker  in  the  maintenance  of  our  present 
economic  system,  both  as  regards  the  finances  and  the  tariff.  The  standard 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       187 

of  living  of  our  wage-workers  is  higher  than  that  of  any  other  country, 
and  it  can  not  so  remain  unless  we  have  a  protective  tariff  which  shall  al- 
ways keep  as  a  minimum  a  rate  of  duty  sufficient  to  cover  the  difference 
between  the  labor  cost  here  and  abroad.  Those  who,  like  our  opponents, 
"denounce  protection  as  a  robbery,"  thereby  explicitly  commit  themselves 
to  the  proposition  that  if  they  were  to  revise  the  tariff,  no  heed  would  be 
paid  to  the  necessity  of  meeting  this  difference  between  the  standards  of 
living  for  wage-workers  here  and  in  other  countries :  and  therefore  on  this 
point  their  antagonism  to  our  position  is  fundamental.  Here  again  we  ask 
that  their  promises  and  ours  be  judged  by  what  has  been  done  in  the  imme- 
diate past.  We  ask  that  sober  and  sensible  men  compare  the  workings  of 
the  present  tariff  law,  and  the  conditions  which  obtain  under  it,  with  the 
workings  of  the  preceding  tariff  law  of  1894  and  the  conditions  which  that 
tariff  of  1894  helped  to  bring  about. 

We  believe  in  reciprocity  with  foreign  nations  on  the  terms  outlined  in 
President  McKinley's  last  speech,  which  urged  the  extension  of  our  foreign 
markets  by  reciprocal  agreements  whenever  they  could  be  made  without 
injury  to  American  industry  and  labor.  It  is  a  singular  fact  that  the  only 
great  reciprocity  treaty  recently  adopted — that  with  Cuba — was  finally  op- 
posed almost  alone  by  the  representatives  of  the  very  party  which  now 
states,  that  it  favors  reciprocity.  And  here  again  we  ask  that  the  worth  of 
our  words  be  judged  by  comparing  their  deeds  with  ours.  On  this  Cuban 
reciprocity  treaty  there  were  at  the  outset  grave  differences  of  opinion 
among  ourselves ;  and  the  notable  thing  in  the  negotiation  and  ratification  of 
the  treaty,  and  in  the  legislation  which  carried  it  into  effect,  was  the  highly 
practical  manner  in  which  without  sacrifice  of  principle  these  differences 
of  opinion  were  reconciled.  There  was  no  rupture  of  a  great  party,  but  an 
excellent  practical  outcome,  the  result  of  the  harmonious  co-operation  of 
two  successive  Presidents  and  two  successive  Congresses.  This  is  an  illus- 
tration of  the  governing  capacity  which  entitles  us  to  the  confidence  of  the 
people  not  only  in  our  purposes  but  in  our  practical  ability  to  achieve  those 
purposes.  Judging  by  the  history  of  the  last  twelve  years,  down  to  this 
very  month,  is  there  justification  for  believing  that  under  similar  circum- 
stances and  with  similar  initial  differences  of  opinion,  our  opponents  would 
have  achieved  any  practical  result? 

We  have  already  shown  in  actual  fact  that  our  policy  is  to  do  fair  and 
equal  justice  to  all  men,  paying  no  heed  to  whether  a  man  is  rich  or  poor; 
paying  no  heed  to  his  race,  his  creed,  or  his  birthplace. 

We  recognize  the  organization  of  capital  and  the  organization  of  labor  as 
natural  outcomes  of  our  industrial  system.  Each  kind  of  organization  is  to 
be  favored  so  long  as  it  acts  in  a  spirit  of  justice  and  of  regard  for  the 
rights  of  others.  Each  is  to  be  granted  the  full  protection  of  the  law,  and 
each  in  turn  is  to  be  held  to  a  strict  obedience  to  the  law;  for  no  man  i; 
above  it  and  no  man  below  it.  The  humblest  individual  is  to  have  his  rights 
safeguarded  as  scrupulously  as  those  of  the  strongest  organization,  for  each 


188  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

is  to  receive  justice,  no  more  and  no  less.  The  problems  with  which  we 
have  to  deal  in  our  modern  industrial  and  social  life  are  manifold ;  but  the 
spirit  in  which  it  is  necessary  to  approach  their  solution  is  simply  the  spirit 
of  honesty,  of  courage,  and  of  common  sense. 

In  inaugurating  the  great  work  of  irrigation  in  the  West  the  Administra- 
tion has  been  enabled  by  Congress  to  take  one  of  the  longest  strides  ever 
taken  under  our  Government  toward  utilizing  our  vast  national  domain  for 
the  settler,  the  actual  home-maker. 

Ever  since  this  continent  was  discovered  the  need  of  an  Isthmian  Canal 
to  connect  the  Pacific  and  the  Atlantic  has  been  recognized ;  and  ever  since 
the  birth  of  our  nation  such  a  canal  has  been  planned.  At  last  the  dream 
has  become  a  reality.  The  Isthmian  Canal  is  now  being  built  by  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States.  We  conducted  the  negotiation  for  its  con- 
struction with  the  nicest  and  most  scrupulous  honor,  and  in  a  spirit  of  the 
largest  generosity  toward  those  through  whose  territory  it  was  to  run. 
Every  sinister  effort  which  could  be  devised  by  the  spirit  of  faction  or  the 
spirit  of  self-interest  was  made  in  order  to  defeat  the  Treaty  with  Panama 
and  thereby  prevent  the  consummation  of  this  work.  The  construction  of 
the  canal  is  now  an  assured  fact ;  but  most  certainly  it  is  unwise  to  entrust 
the  carrying  out  of  so  momentous  a  policy  to  those  who  have  endeavored  to 
defeat  the  whole  undertaking. 

Our  foreign  policy  has  been  so  conducted  that,  while  not  one  of  our 
just  claims  has  been  sacrificed,  our  relations  with  all  foreign  nations  are  now 
of  the  most  peaceful  kind ;  there  is  not  a  cloud  on  the  horizon.  The  last 
cause  of  irritation  between  us  and  any  other  nation  was  removed  by  the 
settlement  of  the  Alaskan  boundary. 

In  the  Caribbean  Sea  we  have  made  good  our  promises  of  independence 
to  Cuba,  and  have  proved  our  assertion  that  our  mission  in  the  island  was 
one  of  justice  and  not  of  self-aggrandizement;  and  thereby  no  less  than  by 
our  action  in  Venezuela  and  Panama  we  have  shown  that  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine is  a  living  reality,  designed  for  the  hurt  of  no  nation,  but  for  the  pro- 
tection of  civilization  on  the  western  continent,  and  for  the  peace  of  the 
world.  Our  steady  growth  in  power  has  gone  hand  in  hand  with  a  strength- 
ening disposition  to  use  this  power  with  strict  regard  for  the  rights  of  oth- 
ers, and  for  the  cause  of  international  justice  and  goodwill. 

We  earnestly  desire  friendship  with  all  the  nations  of  the  New  and  Old 
Worlds ;  and  we  endeavor  to  place  our  relations  with  them  upon  a  basis  of 
reciprocal  advantage  instead  of  hostility.  We  hold  that  the  prosperity  of 
each  nation  is  an  aid  and  not  a  hindrance  to  the  prosperity  of  other  nations. 
We  seek  international  amity  for  the  same  reasons  that  make  us  believe  in 
peace  within  our  own  borders ;  and  we  seek  this  peace  not  because  we  are 
afraid  or  unready,  but  because  we  think  that  peace  is  right  as  well  as  advan- 
tageous. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       189 

American  interests  in  the  Pacific  have  rapidly  grown.  American  enter- 
prise has  laid  a  cable  across  this,  the  greatest  of  oceans.  We  have  proved 
in  effective  fashion  that  we  wish  the  Chinese  Empire  well  and  desire  its  integ- 
rity and  independence. 

Our  foothold  in  the  Philippines  greatly  strengthens  our  position  in  the 
competition  for  the  trade  of  the  East ;  but  we  are  governing  the  Philip- 
pines in  the  interest  of  the  Philippine  people  themselves.  We  have  already 
given  them  a  large  share  in  their  government,  and  our  purpose  is  to  increase 
this  share  as  rapidly  as  they  give  evidence  of  increasing  fitness  for  the  task. 
The  great  majority  of  the  officials  of  the  islands,  whether  elective  or  ap- 
pointive, are  already  native  Filipinos.  We  are  now  providing  for  a  legis- 
lative assembly.  This  is  the  first  step  to  be  taken  in  the  future ;  and  it 
would  be  eminently  unwise  to  declare  what  our  next  step  will  be  until  this 
first  step  has  been  taken  and  the  results  are  manifest.  To  have  gone  faster 
than  we  have  already  gone  in  giving  the  islanders  a  constantly  increasing 
measure  of  self-government  would  have  been  disastrous.  At  the  present 
moment  to  give  political  independence  to  the  islands  would  result  in  the 
immediate  loss  of  civil  rights,  personal  liberty  and  public  order,  as  regards 
the  mass  of  the  Filipinos,  for  the  majority  of  the  islanders  have  been  given 
these  great  boons  by  us,  and  only  keep  them  because  we  vigilantly  safe- 
guard and  guarantee  them.  To  withdraw  our  government  from  the  islands 
at  this  time  would  mean  to  the  average  native  the  loss  of  his  barely-won  civil 
freedom.  We  have  established  in  the  islands  a  government  by  Americans 
assisted  by  Filipinos.  We  are  steadily  striving  to  transform  this  into  self- 
government  by  the  Filipinos  assisted  by  Americans. 

The  principles  which  we  uphold  should  appeal  to  all  our  countrymen, 
in  all  portions  of  our  country.  Above  all  they  should  give  us  strength  with 
the  men  and  women  who  are  the  spiritual  heirs  of  those  who  upheld  the 
hands  of  Abraham  Lincoln;  for  we  are  striving  to  do  our  work  in  the  spirit 
with  which  Lincoln  approached  his.  During  the  seven  years  that  have  just 
passed  there  is  no  duty,  domestic  or  foreign,  which  we  have  shirked ;  no 
necessary  task  which  we  have  feared  to  undertake,  or  which  we  have  not 
performed  with  reasonable  efficiency.  We  have  never  pleaded  impotence. 
We  have  never  sought  refuge  in  criticism  and  complaint  instead  of  action. 
We  face  the  future  with  our  past  and  our  present  as  guarantors  of  our 
promises ;  and  we  are  content  to  stand  or  to  fall  by  the  record  which  we 
have  made  and  are  making. 


190  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

ADDRESS  OF  HON.  ELIHU  ROOT 

Notifying  Senator  Fairbanks  of  his  Nomination  for 
Vice-President 

Elihu  Root,  in  delivering  his  notification  speech,  said : 

"Senator  Fairbanks — The  committee  which  now  waits  upon  you  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  National  Convention  of  the  Republican  party  held  in  Chicago 
in  June,  and  its  agreeable  duty  is  to  notify  you  of  your  nomination  as  the 
Republican  candidate  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States 
for  the  term  to  begin  on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1905. 

"We  give  you  formal  notice  of  that  nomination,  with  assurance  of  the 
undivided  and  hearty  support  of  the  great  party  which  has  executed  the  peo- 
ple's will  in  the  government  of  this  country  for  the  better  part  of  the  last 
half  century.  The  nomination  comes  to  you  in  accordance  with  the  best 
methods  and  practices  of  representative  government.  It  was  the  result  of 
long  and  earnest  consideration  and  discussion  by  the  members  of  the  con- 
vention. It  was  not  the  chance  product  of  an  excited  hour,  and  it  was  not 
upon  the  demand  of  any  powerful  influence — political  or  otherwise — con- 
straining the  judgment  of  the  delegates.  It  was  not  made  for  the  purpose 
of  conciliating  possible  malcontents  or  of  swelling  the  campaign  fund  of  the 
party.  No  bargains  or  intrigues  contributed  to  it.  No  suppressions  of  the 
truth  or  misleading  of  the  convention  as  to  your  principles  and  opinions  were 
necessary  to  bring  it  about.  It  was  the  deliberate,  informed  and  intelligent 
judgment  of  the  delegates  from  every  State  and  Territory,  and  it  was  their 
unanimous  judgment. 

IMPORTANCE  OF  OFFICE. 

"It  is  a  great  office  to  which  you  are  called.  John  Adams,  and  Thomas 
Jefferson,  and  George  Clinton,  and  John  C.  Calhoun,  and  Martin  Van  Buren 
and  many  others  whose  names  are  illustrious  in  the  history  of  our  country, 
have  filled  it.  It  is  an  office  of  high  dignity  and  immediate,  ever-present 
importance.  The  credit  and  honor  of  our  country  are  greatly  concerned  in 
the  character  and  conduct  of  the  man  who  presides  over  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States — that  powerful  and  august  body,  of  which  you  are  already  so 
experienced,  so  useful  and  so  honored  a  member. 

"But  the  Vice-President  has  other  grave  duties  of  imperative  obligation. 
When  the  people  elect  a  President  under  our  political  system  they  do  not 
merely  select  the  man  for  the  office ;  they  give  their  approval  to  certain  con- 
trolling principles  and  policies  of  government ;  and  the  administration  of 
which  the  Vice-President  is  a  part  is  bound  to  give  effect  to  these  principles 
and  policies.  The  primary  duty  of  the  Vice-President, — to  be  always  ready 
to  take  up  the  burden  of  the  Presidency  if  occasion  requires, — carries  with  it 
the  duty  to  be  always  ready  to  continue  unbroken  the  policies  which  the 
people  have  entrusted  to  the  administration  for  execution.  For  the  due 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      191 

performance  of  this  duty  the  Vice-President  should  be  familiar  with  the 
conduct  of  affairs  by  the  administration  as  it  proceeds,  a  part  of  its  coun- 
sels, and  imbued  with  a  knowledge  of  its  labors,  its  perplexities  and  its 
motives,  that  can  come  only  from  intimate  association  and  confidence  and 
sympathy. 

IN  SYMPATHY  WITH  THE  PRESIDENT. 

"Too  often  it  has  happened  that  after  excited  contests  for  the  Presiden- 
tial nomination  the  candidate  for  Vice-President  has  been  selected  from  the 
defeated  faction  for  the  purpose  of  appeasing  their  resentment,  and  that 
after  election  he  has  remained  antagonistic  in  spirit  and  a  stranger  to 
the  counsels  of  the  President  whom  he  may  be  called  upon  to  succeed.  Hap- 
pily we  are  now  in  no  such  case.  The  people  would  fain  see  again  such 
relations  of  sympathy  and  loyal  helpfulness  for  the  public  good  as  existed 
between  President  McKinley  and  Vice-President  Hobart ;  and  the  personal 
relations  between  President  Roosevelt  and  yourself,  your  mutual  esteem  and 
good  understanding  assure  us  that  these  happy  conditions  will  come  again 
after  the  4th  of  next  March.  We  count  upon  your  wisdom  and  experience 
and  loyal  aid  as  an  element  of  ever-present  strength  in  the  coming  adminis- 
tration. 

"As  to  the  supreme  responsibility  of  the  Vice-Presidency  in  case  of  suc- 
cession to  the  Presidency,  we  shall  all  pray,  and  no  one  more  earnestly  than 
yourself,  that  it  may  not  come  to  you.  But  we  are  not  at  liberty  to  ignore 
the  possibility  that  it  may  come.  Sad  and  bitter  experience  admonishes  us 
that  provision  for  succession  to  the  Presidency  is  no  idle  form.  Of  the  last 
twelve  Presidents  elected  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  five — nearly  one- 
half — have  died  in  office  and  have  been  succeeded  by  Vice-Presidents.  A 
serious  obligation  rests  upon  the  political  parties  which  select  the  candidates 
between  whom  the  people  must  choose,  to  see  to  it  that  they  nominate  men 
for  this  possible  succession  who  have  the  strength  of  body  and  mind  and 
character  which  shall  enable  them,  if  occasion  comes,  to  take  up  the  burdens 
of  the  great  Presidential  office,  to  endure  its  trying  and  exhausting  demands, 
to  meet  its  great  responsibilities,  and  with  firm  hand  and  clear  vision  to 
guide  the  Government  of  the  country  until  the  people  can  express  their 
choice  again. 

"Our  opponents  of  the  Democratic  party  have  signally  failed  to  perform 
this  duty.  They  have  nominated  as  their  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency 
an  excellent  gentleman,  who  was  born  during  the  Presidency  of  James  Mon- 
roe, and  who  before  the  4th  of  March  next  will  be  in  the  eighty-second 
year  of  his  age.  Before  the  next  administration  is  ended,  he  will  be  ap- 
proaching his  eighty-sixth  birthday.  It  is  no  disparagement  of  this  gen- 
tleman, for  whom  I  believe  we  all  have  the  highest  respect,  to  say  that  he 
shares  the  common  lot  of  mortals,  and  that  the  election  of  any  man  of  such 
great  age  would  furnish  no  safeguard  to  the  American  people  against  dis- 
aster which  would  ensue  upon  the  death  of  a  President  with  a  successor 
not  competent  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  Presidential  office.  It  is  com- 


192  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

mon  experience  that  very  aged  men,  however  bright  and  active  they  may 
appear  for  brief  periods,  can  not  sustain  long-continued,  severe  exertion. 
The  demands  of  the  Presidential  office  upon  the  mental  and  physical  vitality 
are  so  great,  so  continuous  and  so  exhausting  as  to  be  wholly  beyond  the 
capacity  of  any  men  of  eighty-five. 

SUCCESSION   OF  PRESIDENCY. 

"The  attempt  by  such  a  man  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  office  would 
with  practical  certainty  be  speedily  followed  by  a  complete  breakdown,  both 
of  body  and  of  mind.  In  contemplating  the  remote  possibility  of  the  elec- 
tion of  the  Democratic  candidate  for  Vice-President,  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try are  bound  to  contemplate  also  as  a  necessary  result  of  such  an  election  in 
the  case  of  the  President's  death,  that  others,  not  chosen  by  the  people,  and 
we  know  not  who,  would  govern  in  the  name  of  a  nominal  successor  unable 
himself  to  perform  the  constitutional  duties  of  his  office ;  or  worse  still,  that 
serious  doubt  whether  the  Vice-President  had  not  reached  a  condition  of 
"inability"  within  the  meaning  of  the  constitution  would  throw  the  title  to 
the  office  of  President  into  dispute. 

EFFECT  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

"The  serious  effect  of  such  an  event  upon  the  Government  and  upon  the 
business  interests  and  general  welfare  of  the  country,  and  the  serious  effect 
even  of  the  continual  menace  of  such  an  event,  must  be  apparent  to  every 
thoughtful  mind. 

"In  your  election,  on  the  other  hand,  this  chief  requirement  will  be  fully 
met.  In  the  full  strength  of  middle  life  you  are  prepared  for  the  exhausting 
duties  of  the  Presidency.  Your  successful  and  distinguished  career,  the  abil- 
ity and  probity  with  which  you  have  already  discharged  the  duties  of  high 
office,  the  universal  respect  and  esteem  of  the  people  of  Indiana  who  have 
delighted  to  honor  you,  the  attachment  of  hosts  of  friends  throughout  the 
Union — all  assure  us  that  you  have  the  character  and  the  ability  to  govern 
wisely  and  strongly,  should  you  become  President.  Many  indeed  among 
our  people  have  already  turned  toward  you  as  a  suitable  candidate  to  be 
elected  directly  to  that  great  office. 

"It  is  the  earnest  wish  of  your  party  and  of  many  good  citizens  who  have 
no  party  affiliations,  that  you  shall  accept  this  nomination,  and  that  you  shall 
be  elected  in  November  to  be  the  next  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
In  expressing  to  you  this  wish,  we  beg  to  add  an  assurance  of  our  own  per- 
sonal respect,  esteem  and  loyalty." 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       193 


SENATOR  FAIRBANK'S  REPLY 

Senator  Fairbanks  made  a  brief  reply  to  Elihu  Root's  address,  accepting 
the  Republican  Vice- Presidential  nomination.  He  spoke  as  follows : 

"Mr.  Root  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee :  I  thank  you  for  the  very 
generous  terms  in  which  you  have  conveyed  the  official  notification  of  my 
nomination  for  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  The  unsolicited  and 
unanimous  nomination  by  the  Republican  party  is  a  call  to  duty  which  I  am 
pleased  to  obey. 

"I  accept  the  commission  which  you  bring  with  a  profound  sense  of  the 
dignity  and  responsibilities  of  the  exalted  position  for  which  I  have  been 
nominated.  My  utmost  endeavor  will  be  to  discharge  in  full  measure  the 
trust,  if  the  action  of  the  convention  shall  meet  the  approval  of  the  American 
people. 

"The  platform  adopted  by  the  convention  is  an  explicit  and  emphatic  dec- 
laration of  principles  in  entire  harmony  with  those  policies  of  our  party  which 
have  brought  great  honor  and  prosperity  to  our  common  country,  and  which, 
if  continued,  will  bring  us  like  blessings  in  the  future. 

FOUNDATION  OF  NATIONAL  STRENGTH. 

"The  monetary  and  economic  policies  which  have  been  so  forcibly  rean- 
nounced,  lie  at  the  very  foundation  of  our  industrial  life,  and  are  essential 
to  the  fullest  development  of  our  national  strength.  They  give  vitality  to 
our  manufactures  and  commerce,  and  if  impaired  or  overthrown,  there  would 
inevitably  ensue  a  period  of  industrial  depression,  to  the  serious  injury  of 
the  vast  interests  of  both  labor  and  capital. 

"The  Republican  party,  since  it  preserved  the  integrity  of  the  Republic 
and  gave  freedom  to  the  oppressed,  never  rendered  a  more  important  service 
to  the  country  than  when  it  established  the  gold  standard.  Under  it  we  have 
increased  our  currency  supply  sufficiently  to  meet  the  normal  requirements 
of  business.  It  is  gratifying  that  the  convention  made  frank  and  explicit 
declaration  of  the  inflexible  purpose  of  the  party  to  maintain  the  gold  stand- 
ard. It  is  essential  not  only  that  the  standard  should  be  as  good  as  the  best 
in  the  world,  but  that  the  people  should  have  the  assurance  that  it  will  be 
so  maintained. 

ENEMIES  OF  SOUND  MONEY. 

"The  enemies  of  sound  money  were  powerful  enough  to  suppress  men- 
tion of  the  gold  standard  in  the  platform  lately  adopted  by  the  Democratic 
national  convention.  The  leader  of  Democracy  in  two  great  national  cam- 
paigns has  declared  since  the  adjournment  of  the  convention  that  as  soon  as 
the  election  is  over,  he  will  undertake  to  organize  the  forces  within  the 
Democratic  party  for  the  next  national  contest,  for  the  purpose  of  advanc- 
ing the  radical  policies  for  which  his  element  of  the  party  stands.  He 
frankly  says  that  the  money  question  is  for  the  present  in  abeyance.  In 
view  of  these  palpable  facts,  it  is  not  the  part  of  wisdom  to  abandon  our 


194  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

vigilance  in  safeguarding  the  integrity  of  our  monetary  system.  We  must 
have  not  only  a  President  who  is  unalterably  committed  to  the  gold  stand- 
ard, but  both  Houses  of  Congress  in  entire  accord  with  him  upon  the  subject. 
"In  Congress  and  not  with  the  President  rests  the  supreme  power  to 
determine  the  standard  of  our  money.  Though  the  chief  executive  should 
oppose,  the  Congress,  acting  within  its  independent  constitutional  authority, 
could  at  any  time  overthrow  or  change  the  monetary  standard. 

PROTECTIVE   POLICY. 

"The  wisdom  of  our  protective  policy  finds  complete  justification  in  the 
industrial  development  of  the  country.  This  policy  has  become  a  most  vital 
part  of  our  industrial  system  and  must  be  maintained  unimpaired.  When 
altered  conditions  make  changes  in  schedules  desirable,  their  modification  can 
be  safely  entrusted  to  the  Republican  party.  If  they  are  to  be  changed  by 
the  enemies  of  the  system  along  free  trade  lines,  uncertainty  would  take  the 
place  of  certainty  and  a  reaction  would  surely  follow,  to  the  injury  of  the 
wage-earners  and  all  who  are  profitably  employed.  Uncertainty  undermines 
confidence,  and  loss  of  confidence  breeds  confusion  and  distress  in  commercial 
affairs. 

"The  convention  was  wise  not  only  in  its  enunciation  of  party  policies, 
but  in  its  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  During  the  last 
three  years  President  Roosevelt  has  been  confronted  with  large  and  serious 
questions.  These  he  has  met  and  solved  with  high  wisdom  and  courage. 
The  charges  made  against  him  in  the  Democratic  platform  find  an  irrefutable 
answer  in  his  splendid  administration,  never  surpassed  in  all  the  history  of 
the  Republic,  and  never  equaled  by  the  party  who  seeks  to  discredit  it. 

ROOSEVELT'S  RE-ELECTION  DEMANDED. 

"The  election  of  the  President  is  imperatively  demanded  by  those  whose 
success  depends  upon  the  continuance  of  a  safe,  conservative  and  efficient 
administration  of  public  affairs.  We  have  an  ample  record  of  deeds  done, 
of  beneficent  things  accomplished  in  the  public  interest.  The  vast  business 
of  the  Government  has  been  well  administered.  The  laws  have  been  en- 
forced fearlessly  and  impartially.  The  treasury  has  been  adequately  supplied 
with  revenue,  and  the  financial  credit  of  the  Government  was  never  better. 
Our  foreign  trade  balance  continues  to  increase  our  national  wealth.  We 
have  adopted  an  irrigation  policy  which  will  build  homes  in  the  arid  regions 
of  the  West.  The  Panama  Canal,  the  hope  of  centuries,  is  in  course  of  con- 
struction under  the  sole  protection  of  the  American  flag. 

"We  have  peace  and  great  prosperity  at  home  and  are  upon  terms  of  good 
neighborhood  to  the  entire  world.  The  conditions  constitute  the  strongest 
possible  assurance  for  the  future. 

"Later  I  shall  avail  myself  of  a  favorable  opportunity  to  submit  to  you, 
and  through  you  to  my  fellow-citizens,  a  fuller  expression  of  my  views  con- 
cerning the  questions  now  in  issue. 

"Permit  me  again  to  thank  you  and  to  express  the  belief  that  we  may 
confidently  submit  our  cause  to  the  candid  and  patriotic  judgment  of  our 
countrymen." 


The  Letters  of  Acceptance 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  LETTER 

Oyster  Bay,  N.  Y.,   Sept.  12.— President  Roosevelt's  letter  accepting  the 
Republican  nomination  for  the  Presidency  was  given  out  today     It  follows 
in  full: 
Hon.  J.  G.  Cannon,  Chairman  Notification  Committee : 

My  Dear  Sir: — I  accept  the  nomination  for  the  Presidency  tendered  me 
by  the  Republican  National  Convention,  and  cordially  approve  the  platform 
adopted  by  it.  In  writing  this  letter,  there  are  certain  points  upon  which  I 
desire  to  lay  especial  stress. 

It  is  difficult  to  find  out  from  the  utterances  of  our  opponents  what  are 
the  real  issues  upon  which  they  propose  to  wage  this  campaign.  It  is  not 
unfair  to  say  that,  having  abandoned  most  of  the  principles  upon  which  they 
have  insisted  during  the  last  eight  years,  they  now  seem  at  a  loss,  both  as  to 
what  it  is  that  they  really  believe,  and  as  to  how  firmly  they  shall  assert  their 
belief  in  anything.  In  fact,  it  is  doubtful  if  they  venture  resolutely  to  press 
a  single  issue ;  as  soon  as  they  raise  one  they  shrink  from  it  and  seek  to 
explain  it  away.  Such  an  attitude  is  the  probably  inevitable  result  of  the 
effort  to  improvise  convictions ;  for  when  thus  improvised,  it  is  natural  that 
they  should  be  held  in  a  tentative  manner. 

The  party  now  in  control  of  the  Government  is  troubled  by  no  such  diffi- 
culties. We  do  not  have  to  guess  at  our  own  convictions,  and  then  correct 
the  guess  if  it  seems  unpopular.  The  principles  which  we  profess  are  those 
in  which  we  believe  with  heart  and  soul  and  strength.  Men  may  differ 
from  us ;  but  they  cannot  accuse  us  of  shiftiness  or  insincerity.  The  policies 
we  have  pursued  are  those  which  we  earnestly  hold  as  essential  to  the 
national  welfare  and  repute.  Our  actions  speak  even  louder  than  our  words 
for  the  faith  that  is  in  us.  We  base  our  appeal  upon  what  we  have  done  and 
are  doing,  upon  our  record  of  administration  and  legislation  during  the  last 
seven  years,  in  which  we  have  had  complete  control  of  the  Government.  We 
intend  in  the  future  to  carry  on  the  Government  in  the  same  way  that  we 
have  carried  it  on  in  the  past. 

A  party  whose  members  are  radically  at  variance  on  most  vital  issues,  and 
if  united  at  all,  are  only  united  on  issues  where  their  attitude  threatens  wide- 
spread disaster  to  the  whole  country,  cannot  be  trusted  to  govern  in  any 
matter.  A  party  which,  with  facile  ease,  changes  all  its  convictions  before 
election,  cannot  be  trusted  to  adhere  with  tenacity  to  any  principle  after 
election.  A  party  fit  to  govern  must  have  convictions.  In  1896  the  Repub- 
lican party  came  into  power,  and  in  1900  it  retained  power  on  certain  definite 


196  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

pledges,  each  of  which  was  scrupulously  fulfilled.  But  in  addition  to  meet- 
ing and  solving  the  problems  which  were  issues  in  these  campaigns,  it  also 
became  necessary  to  meet  other  problems  which  arose  after  election ;  and  it 
is  no  small  part  of  our  claim  to  public  confidence  that  these  were  solved  with 
the  same  success  that  had  attended  the  solution  of  those  concerning  which 
the  battles  at  the  polls  were  fought.  In  other  words,  our  governmental 
efficiency  proved  equal,  not  only  to  the  tasks  that  were  anticipated,  but  to 
doing  each  unanticipated  task  as  it  arose. 

ENABLING  QUALITIES. 

When  the  contest  of  1896  was  decided  the  question  of  the  war  with  Spain 
was  not  an  issue.  When  the  contest  of  1900  was  decided  the  shape  which 
the  Isthmian  Canal  question  ultimately  took  could  not  have  been  foreseen. 
But  the  same  qualities  which  enabled  those  responsible  for  making  and 
administering  the  laws  at  Washington  to  deal  successfully  with  the  tariff 
and  the  currency  enabled  them  also  to  deal  with  the  Spanish  war;  and  the 
same  qualities  which  enabled  them  to  act  wisely  in  the  Philippines  and  in 
Cuba  also  enabled  them  to  do  their  duty  as  regards  the  problems  connected 
with  the  trusts  and  to  secure  the  building  of  the  Isthmian  Canal. 

We  are  content  to  rest  our  case  before  the  American  people  upon  the  fact 
that  to  adherence  to  a  lofty  ideal  we  have  added  proved  governmental  effi- 
ciency. Therefore,  our  promises  may  surely  be  trusted  as  regards  any  issue 
that  is  now  before  the  people ;  and  we  may  equally  be  trusted  to  deal  with 
any  problem  which  may  hereafter  arise. 

So  well  has  the  work  been  done  that  our  opponents  do  not  venture  to 
recite  the  facts  about  our  policies  or  acts,  and  then  oppose  them.  They 
attack  them  only  when  they  have  first  misrepresented  them;  for  a  truthful 
recital  would  leave  no  room  for  adverse  comment. 

Panama  offers  an  instance  in  point.  Our  opponents  can  criticise  what  we 
did  in  Panama  only  on  condition  of  mis-stating  what  was  done.  The  admin- 
istration behaved  throughout  not  only  with  good  faith,  but  with  extraordi- 
nary patience  and  large  generosity  toward  those  with  whom  it  dealt.  It  was 
also  mindful  of  American  interests.  It  acted  in  strict  compliance  with  the 
law  passed  by  Congress.  Had  not  Panama  been  promptly  recognized  and 
the  transit  across  the  isthmus  kept  open,  in  accordance  with  our  treaty  rights 
and  obligations,  there  would  have  ensued  endless  guerilla  warfare,  and  pos- 
sibly foreign  complications ;  while  all  chance  of  building  the  canal  would  have 
been  deferred,  certainly  for  years,  perhaps  for  a  generation  or  more.  Criti- 
cism of  the  action  in  this  matter  is  simply  criticism  of  the  only  possible  action 
which  could  have  secured  the  building  of  the  canal ;  as  well  as  the  peace  and 
quiet  which  we  were,  by  treaty,  bound  to  preserve  along  the  line  of  transit 
across  the  isthmus. 

The  service  rendered  this  country  in  securing  the  perpetual  right  to  con- 
struct, maintain,  operate  and  defend  the  canal  was  so  great  that  our  opponents 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       197 

do  not  venture  to  raise  the  issue  in  straightforward  fashion ;    for  if  so  raised 
there  would  be  no  issue. 

The  decisive  action  which  brought  about  this  beneficent  result  was  the 
exercise  by  the  President  of  the  powers  vested  in  him,  and  in  him  alone,  by 
the  Constitution;  the  power  to  recognize  foreign  governments  by  entering 
into  diplomatic  relations  with  them,  and  the  power  to  make  treaties  which, 
when  ratified  by  the  Senate,  become  under  the  Constitution  part  of  the  su- 
preme law  of  the  land.  Neither  in  this  nor  in  any  other  matter  has  there 
been  the  slightest  failure  to  live  up  to  the  Constitution  in  letter  and  in  spirit. 
But  the  Constitution  must  be  observed  positively  as  well  as  negatively.  The 
President's  duty  is  to  serve  the  country  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution ; 
and  I  should  be  derelict  in  my  duty  if  I  used  a  false  construction  of  the 
Constitution  as  a  shield  for  weakness  and  timidity,  or  as  an  excuse  for  gov- 
ernmental impotence. 

MISREPRESENTATION  WEAPON. 

Similar  misrepresentation  is  the  one  weapon  of  our  opponents  in  regard  to 
our  foreign  policy,  and  the  way  the  navy  has  been  made  useful  in  carrying  out 
this  policy.  Here  again  ail  that  we  ask  is  that  they  truthfully  state  what  has 
been  done,  and  then  say  whether  or  not  they  object  to  it;  for  if  continued 
in  power  we  shall  continue  our  foreign  policy  and  our  handling  of  the  navy 
on  exactly  the  same  lines  in  the  future  as  in  the  past.  To  what  phase  of 
our  foreign  policy,  and  to  what  use  of  the  navy,  do  our  opponents  object? 
Do  they  object  to  the  way  in  which  the  Monroe  doctrine  has  been  strength- 
ened and  upheld?  Never  before  has  this  doctrine  been  acquiesced  in  abroad 
as  it  is  now;  and  yet,  while  upholding  the  rights  of  the  weaker  American 
republics  against  foreign  aggression,  the  administration  has  lost  no  oppor- 
tunity to  point  out  to  these  republics  that  those  who  seek  equity  should  come 
with  clean  hands,  and  that  whoever  claims  liberty  as  a  right  must  accept  the 
responsibilities  that  go  with  the  exercise  of  the  right.  Do  our  opponents 
object  to  what  was  done  in  reference  to  the  petition  of  American  citizens 
against  the  Kishinef  massacre?  or  to  the  protest  against  the  treatment  of 
the  Jews  in  Roumania  ?  or  to  the  efforts  that  have  been  made  in  behalf  of 
the  Armenians  in  Turkey? 

No  other  administration  in  our  history,  no  other  Government  in  the  world, 
has  more  consistently  stood  for  the  broadest  spirit  of  brotherhood  in  our 
common  humanity,  or  has  held  a  more  resolute  attitude  of  protest  against 
every  wrong  that  outraged  the  civilization  of  the  age,  at  home  and  abroad. 

Do  our  opponents  object  to  the  fact  that  the  international  tribunal  at  The 
Hague  was  rescued  from  impotence,  and  turned  into  a  potent  instrument  for 
peace  among  the  nations  ?  The  Government  has  used  that  tribunal,  and  advo- 
cated its  use  by  others,  in  pursuance  of  its  policy  to  promote  the  cause  of 
international  peace  and  good  will  by  all  honorable  methods.  In  carrying 
out  this  policy,  it  has  settled  dispute  after  dispute  by  arbitration  or  by  friendly 
agreement.  It  has  behaved  towards  all  nations,  strong  or  weak,  with  cour- 
tesy, dignity  and  justice ;  and  it  is  now  on  excellent  terms  with  all. 


198  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

OPPONENTS'  OBJECTIONS. 

Do  our  opponents  object  to  the  settlement  of  the  Alaska  boundary  line? 
Do  they  object  to  the  fact  that  after  freeing  Cuba  we  gave  her  reciprocal 
trade  advantages  with  the  United  States,  while  at  the  same  time  keeping 
naval  stations  in  the  island  and  providing  against  its  sinking  into  chaos,  or 
being  conquered  by  any  foreign  power?  Do  they  object  to  the  fact  that  our 
flag  now  flies  over  Porto  Rico?  Do  they  object  to  the  acquisition  of  Hawaii? 
Once  they  "hauled  down"  our  flag  there ;  we  have  hoisted  it  again ;  do 
they  intend  once  more  to  haul  it  down?  Do  they  object  to  the  part  we  played 
in  China?  Do  they  not  know  that  the  voice  of  the  United  States  would  now 
count  for  nothing  in  the  Far  East  if  we  had  abandoned  the  Philippines  and 
refused  to  do  what  was  done  in  China?  Do  they  object  to  the  fact  that  this 
Government  secured  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  troubles  in  Venezuela 
two  years  ago?  Do  they  object  to  the  presence  of  the  ship-of-war  off 
Colon  when  the  revolution  broke  out  in  Panama,  and  when  only  the  pres- 
ence of  this  ship  saved  the  lives  of  American  citizens,  and  prevented  insult 
to  the  flag?  Do  they  object  to  the  fact  that  American  warships  appeared 
promptly  at  the  port  of  Beirut  when  an  effort  had  been  made  to  assassinate 
an  American  official,  and  in  the  port  of  Tangier  when  an  American  citizen 
had  been  abducted?  and  that  in  each  case  the  wrong  complained  of  was 
righted  and  expiated?  and  that  within  the  last  few  days  the  visit  of  an 
American  squadron  to  Smyrna  was  followed  by  the  long-delayed  concession 
of  their  just  rights  to  those  Americans  concerned  in  educational  work  in 
Turkey?  Do  they  object  to  the  trade  treaty  with  China,  so  full  of  advantage 
for  the  American  people  in  the  future?  Do  they  object  to  the  fact  that  the 
ships  carrying  the  national  flag  now  have  a  higher  standard  than  ever  before 
in  marksmanship  and  in  seamanship,  as  individual  units  and  as  component 
parts  of  squadrons  and  fleets?  If  they  object  to  any  or  all  of  these  things, 
we  join  issue  with  them.  Our  foreign  policy  has  been  not  only  highly  advan- 
tageous to  the  United  States,  but  hardly  less  advantageous  to  the  world  as 
a  whole.  Peace  and  good  will  have  followed  in  its  footsteps.  The  Govern- 
ment has  shown  itself  no  less  anxious  to  respect  the  rights  of  others  than 
insistent  that  the  rights  of  Americans  be  respected  in  return.  As  for  the 
navy,  it  has  been  and  is  now  the  most  potent  guarantee  of  peace ;  and  it  is 
such  chiefly  because  it  is  formidable  and  ready  for  use. 

OLD-AGE  PENSION  ORDER. 

When  our  opponents  speak  of  "encroachments"  by  the  executive  upon 
the  authority  of  Congress  or  the  judiciary,  apparently  the  act  they  ordi- 
narily have  in  view  is  pension  order  No.  78,  issued  under  the  authority  of 
existing  law.  This  order  directed  that  hereafter  any  veteran  of  the  Civil 
War  who  had  reached  the  age  of  62  should  be  presumptively  entitled  to  the 
pension  of  $6  a  month  given  under  the  dependent  pension  law  to  those 
whose  capacity  to  earn  their  livelihood  by  manual  labor  has  been  decreased 
50  per  cent,  and  that  by  the  time  the  age  of  70  was  reached,  the  presumption 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       199 

should  be  that  the  physical  disability  was  complete ;  the  age  being  treated 
as  an  evidential  fact  in  each  case.  This  order  was  made  in  the  perform- 
ance of  a  duty  imposed  upon  the  President  by  an  act  of  Congress,  which  re- 
quires the  executive  to  make  regulations  to  govern  the  subordinates  of  the 
pension  office  in  determining  who  are  entitled  to  pensions.  President  Cleve- 
land had  already  exercised  this  power  by  a  regulation  which  declared  that 
75  should  be  set  as  the  age  at  which  total  disability  should  be  conclusively 
presumed.  Similarly  President  McKinley  established  65  as  the  age  at  which 
half  disability  should  be  conclusively  presumed.  The  regulation  now  in  ques- 
tion, in  the  exercise  of  the  same  power,  supplemented  these  regulations  made 
under  Presidents  Cleveland  and  McKinley. 

SAVED  NATION  FROM  RUIN. 

The  men  who  fought  for  union  and  for  liberty  in  the  years  from  1861 
to  1865  not  only  saved  this  nation  from  ruin,  but  rendered  an  inestimable 
service  to  all  mankind.  We  of  the  United  States  owe  the  fact  that  today 
we  have  a  country  to  what  they  did ;  and  the  nation  has  decreed  by  law  that 
no  one  of  them,  if  disabled  from  earning  his  own  living,  shall  lack  the  pen- 
sion to  which  he  is  entitled,  not  only  as  a  matter  of  gratitude,  but  as  a  mat- 
ter of  justice. 

It  is  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party,  steadily  continued  through  many 
years,  to  treat  the  veterans  of  the  civil  war  in  a  spirit  of  broad  liberality.  The 
order  in  question  carried  out  this  policy,  and  is  justified  not  merely  on  legal 
grounds,  but  also  on  grounds  of  public  morality. 

It  is  a  matter  of  common  knowledge  that  when  the  average  man  who 
depends  for  his  wages  upon  bodily  labor  has  reached  the  age  of  62  his 
earning  ability  is  in  all  probability  less  by  half  than  it  was  when  he  was 
in  his  prime ;  and  that  by  the  time  he  has  reached  the  age  of  seventy  he  has 
probably  lost  all  earning  ability.  If  there  is  doubt  upon  this  point  let  the 
doubter  examine  the  employees  doing  manual  labor  in  any  great  manu- 
factory or  on  any  great  railroad  and  find  out  how  large  is  the  proportion 
of  men  between  the  ages  of  62  and  70,  and  whethef  these  men  are  still  em- 
ployed at  the  highly  paid  tasks  which  they  did  in  their  primes.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  many  railroads  pension  their  employees  when  they  have  reached 
these  ages,  and  in  nations  where  old  age  pensions  prevail,  they  always  begin 
somewhere  between  the  two  limits  thus  set.  It  is  easy  to  test  our  oppon- 
ents' sincerity  in  this  matter.  The  order  in  question  is  revokable  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  executive. 

If  our  opponents  come  into  power  they  can  revoke  this  order  and  an- 
nounce that  they  will  treat  the  veterans  of  60  to  70  as  presumably  in  full 
bodily  vigor  and  not  entitled  to  pensions.  Will  they  now  authoritatively 
state  that  they  intend  to  do  this?  If  so,  we  accept  the  issue.  If  not,  then 
we  have  the  right  to  ask  why  they  raise  an  issue  which,  when  raised,  they 
do  not  venture  to  meet. 


200  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

In  addition  to  those  acts  of  the  administration  which  they  venture  to 
assail  only  after  misrepresenting  them,  there  are  others  which  they  dare 
not  overtly  or  officially  attack,  and  yet  which  they  covertly  bring  forward 
as  reasons  for  the  overthrow  of  the  party.  In  certain  great  centers  and  with 
certain  great  interests  our  opponents  make  every  effort  to  show  that  the 
settlement  of  the  anthracite  coal  strike  by  the  individual  act  of  the  President 
and  the  successful  suit  against  the  Northern  Securities  Company — the 
merger  suit — undertaken  by  the  department  of  justice,  were  acts  because  of 
which  the  present  administration  should  be  thrown  from  power.  Yet  they 
dare  not  openly  condemn  either  act.  They  dare  not  in  any  authoritative  or 
formal  manner  say  that  in  either  case  wrong  was  done  or  error  committed  in 
the  method  of  action,  or  in  the  choice  of  instruments  for  putting  that  action 
into  effect.  But  what  they  dare  not  manfully  assert  in  open  day  they  seek 
to  use  furtively  and  through  special  agents.  It  is  perhaps  natural  that  an 
attack  so  conducted  should  be  made,  sometimes  on  the  ground  that  too  much, 
sometimes  on  the  ground  that  too  little,  has  been  done. 

Some  of  our  opponents  complain  because  under  the  antitrust  and  inter- 
state commerce  laws  suits  were  undertaken  which  have  been  successful ; 
others,  because  suits  were  not  undertaken  which  would  have  been  unsuc- 
cessful. The  Democratic  state  convention  in  New  York  dealt  with  the 
anthracite  coal  strike  by  demanding  in  deliberate  and  formal  fashion  that  the 
national  government  should  take  possession  of  the  coal  fields ;  yet  cham- 
pions of  that  convention's  cause  now  condemn  the  fact  that  there  was  any 
action  by  the  President  at  all — though  they  must  know  that  it  was  only  this 
action  by  the  President  which  prevented  the  movement  for  national  owner- 
ship of  the  coal  fields  from  gaining  what  might  well  have  been  an  irre- 
sistible impetus.  Such  mutually  destructive  criticisms  furnish  an  adequate 
measure  of  the  chance  for  coherent  action  or  constructive  legislation  if  our 
opponents  should  be  given  power. 

DEMOCRATIC  POLICIES. 

So  much  for  what  our  opponents  openly  or  covertly  advance  in  the  way 
of  an  attack  on  the  acts  of  the  administration.  When  we  come  to  con- 
sider the  policies  for  which  they  profess  to  stand  we  are  met  with  the  dif- 
ficulty always  arising  when  statements  of  policy  are  so  made  that  they  can 
be  interpreted  in  different  ways.  On  some  of  the  vital  questions  that  have 
confronted  the  American  people  in  the  last  decade  our  opponents  take  the 
position  that  silence  is  the  best  possible  way  to  convey  their  views.  They 
contend  that  their  lukewarm  attitude  of  partial  acquiescence  in  what  others 
have  accomplished  entitles  them  to  be  made  the  custodians  of  the  financial 
honor  and  commercial  interests  which  they  have  but  recently  sought  to  ruin. 

But  being  unable  to  agree  among  themselves  as  to  whether  the  gold 
standard  is  a  curse  or  a  blessing,  and  as  to  whether  we  ought  or  ought  not 
to  have  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver,  they  have  apparently  thought 
it  expedient  to  avoid  any  committal  on  these  subjects,  and  individually  each 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       201 

to  follow  his  particular  bent.  Their  nearest  approach  to  a  majority  judg- 
ment seems  to  be  that  it  is  now  inexpedient  to  assert  their  convictions  one 
way  or  the  other,  and  that  the  establishment  of  the  gold  standard  by  the 
Republican  party  should  not  be  disturbed  unless  there  is  an  alteration  in  the 
relative  quantity  of  production  of  silver  and  gold.  Men  who  hold  sincere 
convictions  on  vital  questions  can  respect  equally  sincere  men  with  whose 
views  they  radically  differ;  and  men  may  confess  a  change  of  faith  without 
compromising  their  honor  or  their  self-respect.  But  it  is  difficult  to  respect 
an  attitude  of  mind  such  as  has  been  fairly  described  above ;  and  where  there 
is  no  respect  there  can  be  no  trust.  A  policy  with  so  slender  a  basis  of  prin- 
ciple would  not  stand  the  strain  of  a  single  year  of  business  adversity. 

We,  on  the  contrary,  believe  in,  the  gold  standard  as  fixed  by  the  usage 
and  verdict  of  the  business  world,  and  in  a  sound  monetary  system  as 
matters  of  principle ;  as  matters  not  of  monetary  political  expediency,  but 
of  permanent  organic  policy.  In  1896  and  again  in  1900  far-sighted  men, 
without  regard  to  their  party  fealty  in  the  past,  joined  to  work  against  what 
they  regarded  as  a  debased  monetary  system.  The  policies  which  they  cham- 
pioned have  been  steadfastly  adhered  to  by  the  administration ;  and  by  the 
act  of  March  14,  1900,  Congress  established  the  single  gold  standard  as  the 
measure  of  our  monetary  value.  This  act  received  the  support  of  every 
Republican  in  the  house  and  of  every  Republican  except  one  in  the  senate. 
Of  our  opponents,  eleven  supported  it  in  the  house  and  two  in  the  senate;  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  opposed  it  in  the  house  and  twenty-eight  in  the 
senate.  The  record  of  the  last  seven  years  proves  that  the  party  now  in 
power  can  be  trusted  to  take  the  additional  action  necessary  to  improve 
and  strengthen  our  monetary  system,  and  that  our  opponents  cannot  be  so 
trusted.  The  fundamental  fact  is  that  in  a  popular  government  such  as  ours 
no  policy  is  irrevocably  settled  by  law  unless  the  people  keep  in  control  of 
the  government  men  who  believe  in  that  policy  as  a  matter  of  deep-rooted 
conviction.  Laws  can  always  be  revoked ;  it  is  the  spirit  and  the  purpose 
of  those  responsible  for  their  enactment  and  administration  which  must  be 
fixed  and  unchangeable. 

It  is  idle  to  say  that  the  monetary  standard  of  the  nation  is  irrevocably 
fixed  so  long  as  the  party  which  at  the  last  election  cast  approximately  46 
per  cent  of  the  total  vote,  refuses  to  put  in  its  platform  any  statement  that 
the  question  is  settled.  A  determination  to  remain  silent  cannot  be  accepted 
as  equivalent  to  a  recantation.  Until  our  opponents  as  a  party  explicitly  adopt 
the  views  which  we  hold  and  upon  which  we  have  acted  and  are  acting,  in 
the  matter  of  a  sound  currency,  the  only  real  way  to  keep  the  question  from 
becoming  unsettled  is  to  keep  the  Republican  party  in  power. 

As  for  what  our  opponents  say  in  reference  to  capital  and  labor,  indi- 
vidual or  corporate,  here  again  all  we  need  by  way  of  answer  is  to  point  to 
what  we  have  actually  done,  and  to  say  that  if  continued  in  power  we  shall 
continue  to  carry  out  the  policy  we  have  been  pursuing,  and  to  execute  the 


202  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

laws  as  resolutely  and  fearlessly  in  the  future  as  we  have  executed  them  in 
the  past.    In  my  speech  of  acceptance  I  said : 

"We  recognize  the  organization  of  capital  and  the  organization  of  labor ' 
as  natural  outcomes  of  our  industrial  system.  Each  kind  of  organization  is 
to  be  favored  so  long  as  it  acts  in  a  spirit  of  justice  and  of  regard  for  the 
rights  of  others.  Each  is  to  be  granted  the  full  protection  of  the  law,  and 
each  in  turn  is  to  be  held  to  a  strict  obedience  to  the  law;  for  no  man  is 
above  it  and  no  man  below  it.  The  humblest  individual  is  to  have  his  rights 
safeguarded  as  scrupulously  as  those  of  the  strongest  organization,  for  each 
is  to  receive  justice,  no  more  and  no  less.  The  problems  with  which  we 
have  to  deal  in  our  modern  industrial  and  social  life  are  manifold;  but  the 
spirit  in  which  it  is  necessary  to  approach  their  solution  is  simply  the  spirit  of 
honesty,  of  courage,  and  of  common  sense." 

FIRST  GOVERNMENT  OPPORTUNITY. 

The  action  of  the  attorney  general  in  enforcing  the  antitrust  and  inter- 
state commerce  laws,  and  the  action  of  the  last  Congress  in  enlarging  the 
scope  of  the  interstate  commerce  law,  and  in  creating  the  department  of  com- 
merce and  labor,  with  a  bureau  of  corporations,  have  for  the  first  time  opened 
a  chance  for  the  national  government  to  deal  intelligently  and  adequately 
with  the  questions  affecting  society,  whether  for  good  or  for  evil,  because  of 
the  accumulation  of  capital  in  great  corporations,  and  because  of  the  new  rela- 
tions caused  thereby.  These  laws  are  now  being  administered  with  entire 
efficiency,  and  as,  in  their  working,  need  is  shown  for  amendment  or  addi- 
tion to  them — whether  better  to  secure  the  proper  publicity,  or  better  to 
guarantee  the  rights  of  shippers,  or  in  any  other  direction — this  need  will 
be  met.  It  is  now  asserted  "that  the  common  law,  as  developed,  affords  a 
complete  legal  remedy  against  monopolies."  But  there  is  no  common  law 
of  the  United  States.  Its  rules  can  be  enforced  only  by  the  state  courts  and 
officers.  No  federal  court  or  officer  could  take  any  action  whatever  under 
them.  It  was  this  fact,  coupled  with  the  inability  of  the  states  to  control 
trusts  and  monopolies,  which  led  to  the  passage  of  the  federal  statutes  known 
as  the  Sherman  antitrust  act  and  the  interstate  commerce  act ;  and  it  is  only 
through  the  exercise  of  the  powers  conferred  by  these  acts,  and  by  the 
statutes  of  the  last  Congress  supplementing  them,  that  the  national  govern- 
ment acquires  any  jurisdiction  over  the  subject.  To  say  that  action  against 
trusts  and  monopolies  should  be  limited  to  the  application  of  the  common  law 
is  equivalent  to  saying  that  the  national  government  should  take  no  action 
whatever  to  regulate  them. 

FAILURE  TO  PROSECUTR 

Undoubtedly,  the  multiplication  of  trusts  and  their  increase  in  power  has 
been  largely  due  to  the  "failure  of  officials  charged  with  the  duty  of  en- 
forcing the  law  to  take  the  necessary  procedure."  Such  stricture  upon  the 
failure  of  the  officials  of  the  national  government  to  do  their  duty  in  this 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       203 

matter  is  certainly  not  wholly  undeserved  as  far  as  the  administration  pre- 
ceding President  McKinley's  is  concerned ;  but  it  has  no  application  at  all 
to  Republican  administration.  It  is  also  undoubtedly  true  that  what  is 
most  needed  is  "officials  having  both  the  disposition  and  the  courage  to  en- 
force existing  law."  This  is  precisely  the  need  that  has  been  met  by  the 
consistent  and  steadily  continued  action  of  the  department  of  justice  under 
the  present  administration. 

So  far  as  the  rights  of  the  individual  wageworker  and  the  individual 
capitalist  are  concerned,  both  as  regards  one  another,  as  regards  the  public, 
and  as  regards  organized  capital  and  labor,  the  position  of  the  administration 
has  been  so  clear  that  there  is  no  excuse  for  misrepresenting  it,  and  no 
ground  for  opposing  it  unless  misrepresented. 

Within  the  limits  denned  by  the  national  constitution  the  national  admin- 
istration has  sought  to  secure  to  each  man  the  full  enjoyment  of  his  right  to 
live  his  life  and  dispose  of  his  property  and  his  labor  as  he  deems  best,  so 
long  as  he  wrongs  no  one  else.  It  has  shown  in  effective  fashion  that  in 
endeavoring  to  make  good  this  guaranty,  it  treats  all  men,  rich  or  poor, 
whatever  their  creed,  their  color,  or  their  birthplace,  as  standing  alike  before 
the  law. 

Under  our  form  of  government  the  sphere  in  which  the  nation  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  state  can  act  is  narrowly  circumscribed ;  but  within  that 
sphere  all  that  could  be  done  has  been  done.  All  thinking  men  are  aware  of 
the  restrictions  upon  the  power  of  action  of  the  national  government  in 
such  matters.  Being  ourselves  mindful  of  them,  we  have  been  scrupulously 
careful  on  the  one  hand  to  be  moderate  in  our  promises,  and  on  the  other 
hand  to  keep  these  promises  in  letter  and  in  spirit.  Our  opponents  have  been 
hampered  by  no  such  considerations.  They  have  promised,  and  many  of 
them  now  promise  action  which  they  could  by  no  possibility  take  in  the 
exercise  of  constitutional  power,  and  which,  if  attempted,  would  bring  busi- 
ness to  a  standstill;  they  have  used,  and  often  now  use,  language  of  wild 
invective  and  appeal  to  all  the  baser  passions  which  tend  to  excite  one  set  of 
Americans  against  their  fellow-Americans ;  and  yet  whenever  they  had 
power  they  have  fittingly  supplemented  this  extravagance  of  promise  by  abso- 
lute nullity  in  performance. 

This  government  is  based  upon  the  fundamental  idea  that  each  man,  no 
matter  what  his  occupation,  his  race  or  his  religious  belief,  is  entitled  to  be 
treated  on  his  worth  as  a  man,  and  neither  favored  nor  discriminated  against 
because  of  any  accident  in  his  position.  Even  here  at  home  there  is  painful 
difficulty  in  the  efforts  to  realize  this  ideal;  and  the  attempt  to  secure  from 
other  nations  acknowledgment  of  it  sometimes  encounters  obstacles  that  are 
well  nigh  insuperable;  for  there  are  many  nations  which  in  the  slow  pro- 
cession of  the  ages  have  not  yet  reached  that  point  where  the  principles 
which  Americans  regard  as  axiomatic  obtain  any  recognition  whatever. 

One  of  the  chief  difficulties  arises  in  connection  with  certain  American 
citizens  of  foreign  birth,  or  of  particular  creed,  who  desire  to  travel  abroad. 


204  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Russia,  for  instance,  refuses  to  admit  and  protect  Jews.  Turkey  refuses  to 
admit  and  protect  certain  sects  of  Christians.  This  government  has  con- 
sistently demanded  equal  protection  abroad  for  all  American  citizens,  whether 
native  or  naturalized.  On  March  27,  1899,  Secretary  Hay  sent  a  letter  of 
instructions  to  all  the  diplomatic  and  consular  officers  of  the  United  States, 
in  which  he  said:  "This  department  does  not  discriminate  between  native- 
born  and  naturalized  citizens  in  according  them  protection  while  they  are 
abroad,  equality  of  treatment  being  required  by  the  laws  of  the  United 
States."  These  orders  to  our  agents  abroad  have  been  repeated  again  and 
again,  and  are  treated  as  the  fundamental  rule  of  conduct  laid  down  for 
them,  proceeding  upon  the  theory  "that  all  naturalized  citizens  of  the  United 
States  while  in  foreign  countries,  are  entitled  to  and  shall  receive  from  this 
government  the  same  protection  of  persons  and  property  which  is  accorded  to 
native-born  citizens."  In  issuing  passports  the  state  deparment  never  dis- 
criminates, or  alludes  to  any  man's  religion ;  and  in  granting  to  every  Amer- 
ican citizen,  native  or  naturalized.  Christian  or  Jew,  the  same  passport,  so 
far  as  it  has  power  it  insists  that  all  foreign  governments  shall  accept  the 
passport  as  prima  facie  proof  that  the  person  therein  described  is  a  citizen  of 
the  United  States  and  entitled  to  protection  as  such.  It  is  a  standing  order 
to  every  American  diplomatic  and  consular  officer  to  protect  every  American 
citizen,  of  whatever  faith,  from  unjust  molestation ;  and  our  officers  abroad 
have  been  stringently  required  to  comply  with  this  order. 

IGNORANCE  OR  INSINCERITY. 

Under  such  circumstances,  the  demand  of  our  opponents  that  negotia- 
tions be  begun  to  secure  equal  treatment  of  all  Americans  from  those  gov- 
ernments which  do  not  now  accord  it,  shows  either  ignorance  of  the  facts 
or  insincerity.  No  change  of  policy  in  the  method  or  manner  of  negotiation 
would  add  effectiveness  to  what  the  state  department  has  done  and  is  doing. 
The  steady  pressure  which  the  department  has  been  keeping  up  in  the  past 
will  be  continued  in  the  future.  This  administration  has  on  all  proper  occa- 
sions given  clear  expression  to  the  belief  of  the  American  people  that  dis- 
crimination and  oppression  because  of  religion,  wherever  practiced,  are  acts 
of  injustice  before  God  and  man ;  and  in  making  evident  to  the  world  the 
depth  of  American  convictions  in  this  regard,  we  have  gone  to  the  very 
limit  of  diplomatice  usage. 

It  is  a  striking  evidence  of  our  opponents'  insincerity  in  this  matter  that 
with  their  demand  for  radical  action  by  the  state  department  they  coupled 
a  demand  for  a  reduction  in  our  small  military  establishment.  Yet  they  must 
know  that  the  heed  paid  to  our  protests  against  ill-treatment  of  our  citizens 
will  be  exactly  proportionate  to  the  belief  in  our  ability  to  make  these  pro- 
tests effective  should  the  need  arise. 

Our  opponents  have  now  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  the  civil  serv- 
ice law,  the  repeal  of  which  they  demanded  in  1900  and  in  1896.  If  con- 
sistent, they  should  have  gone  one  step  further  and  congratulated  the  coun- 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       '205 

try  upon  the  way  in  which  the  civil  service  law  is  now  administered,  and  the 
way  in  which  the  classified  service  has  been  extended.  The  exceptions  from 
examinations  are  fewer  by  far  than  ever  before,  and  are  confined  to  indi- 
vidual cases,  where  the  application  of  the  rules  would  be  impracticable,  un- 
wise, unjust,  or  unnecessary.  The  administration  of  the  great  body  of  the 
classified  civil  service  is  free  from  politics,  and  appointments  and  removals 
have  been  put  upon  a  business  basis.  Statistics  show  that  there  is  little 
difference  between  the  tenure  of  the  federal  classified  employees  and  that  of 
the  employees  of  private  business  corporations.  Less  than  i  per  cent  of  the 
classified  employees  are  over  70  years  of  age,  and  in  the  main  the  service  ren- 
dered is  vigorous  and  efficient.  Where  the  merit  system  was  of  course  most 
needed  was  in  the  Philippine  islands ;  and  a  civil  service  law  of  very  ad- 
vanced type  has  there  been  put  into  operation  and  scrupulously  observed. 
Without  one  exception  every  appointment  in  the  Philippines  has  been  made  in 
accordance  with  the  strictest  standard  of  fitness,  and  without  heed  to  any 
other  consideration. 

WHERE   ISSUES   ARE   DEFINITE. 

Finally,  we  come  to  certain  matters  upon  which  our  opponents  do  in  their 
platform  of  principles  definitely  take  issue  with  us,  and  where,  if  they  are 
sincere,  their  triumph  would  mean  disaster  to  the  country.  But  exactly  as  it 
is  impossible  to  call  attention  to  the  present  promises  and  past  record  of  our 
opponents  without  seeming  offensive,  so  it  is  impossible  to  compare  their 
platform  with  their  other  and  later  official  utterances  and  not  create  doubt  as 
to  their  sincerity.  In  their  private  or  unofficial  utterances  many  of  them 
frankly  advance  in  this  insincerity  as  a  merit,  taking  the  position  that  as  re- 
gards the  points  on  which  I  am  about  to  speak  they  have  no  intention  of 
keeping  their  promises  or  of  departing  from  the  policies  now  established,  and 
that  therefore  they  can  be  trusted  not  to  abuse  the  power  they  seek. 

When  we  take  up  the  great  question  of  the  tariff  we  are  at  once  con- 
fronted by  the  doubt  as  to  whether  our  opponents  do  or  do  not  mean  what 
they  say.  They  say  that  "protection  is  robbery,"  and  promise  to  carry  them- 
selves accordingly  if  they  are  given  power.  Yet  prominent  persons  among 
them  assert  that  they  do  not  really  mean  this  and  that  if  they  come  into 
power  they  will  adopt  our  policy  as  regards  the  tariff;  while  others  seem 
anxious  to  prove  that  it  is  safe  to  give  them  partial  power,  because  the 
power  would  be  only  partial,  and  therefore  they  would  not  be  able  to  do 
mischief.  The  last  is  certainly  a  curious  plea  to  advance  on  behalf  of  a 
party  seeking  to  obtain  control  of  the  government. 

TARIFF  AND  TRUSTS. 

At  the  outset  it  is  worth  while  to  say  a  word  as  to  the  attempt  to  identify 
the  question  of  tariff  revision  or  tariff  reduction  with  a  solution  of  the  trust 
question.  This  is  alwa3'S  a  sign  of  desire  to  avoid  any  real  effort  to  deal 


206  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

adequately  with  the  trust  question.  In  speaking  on  this  point  at  Minneapolis 
on  April  4,  1903,  I  said : 

"The  question  of  tariff  revision,  speaking  broadly,  stands  wholly  apart 
from  the  question  of  dealing  with  the  trusts.  No  change  in  tariff  duties 
can  have  any  substantial  effect  in  solving  the  so-called  trust  problem.  Cer- 
tain great  trusts  or  great  corporations  are  wholly  unaffected  by  the  tariff. 
Almost  all  the  others  that  are  of  any  importance  have  as  a  matter  of  fact 
numbers  of  smaller  American  competitors;  and  of  course  a  change  in  the 
tariff  which  would  work  injury  to  the  large  corporation  would  work  not 
merely  injury  but  destruction  to  its  smaller  competitors;  and  equally  of 
course  such  a  change  would  mean  disaster  to  all  the  wageworkers  connected 
with  either  the  large  or  the  small  corporations.  From  the  standpoint  of  those 
interested  in  the  solution  of  the  trust  problem  such  a  change  would  there- 
fore merely  mean  that  the  trust  was  relieved  of  the  competition  of  its  weaker 
American  competitors,  and  thrown  only  into  competition  with  foreign  competi- 
tors ;  and  that  the  first  effort  to  meet  this  new  competition  would  be  made  by 
cutting  down  wages  and  would  therefore  be  primarily  at  the  cost  of  labor. 
In  the  case  of  some  of  our  greatest  trusts  ?uch  a  change  might  confer  upon 
them  a  positive  benefit.  Speaking  broadly,  it  is  evident  that  the  changes  in 
the  tariff  will  affect  the  trusts  for  weal  or  for  woe  simply  as  they  affect 
the  whole  country.  The  tariff  affects  trusts  only  as  it  affects  all  other  in- 
terests. It  makes  all  these  interests,  large  or  small,  profitable,  and  its  benefits 
can  be  taken  from  the  large  only  under  penalty  of  taking  them  from  the 
small  also." 

There  is  little  for  me  to  add  to  this.  It  is  but  ten  years  since  the  last  at- 
tempt was  made,  by  means  of  lowering  the  tariff,  to  prevent  some  people  from 
prospering  too  much.  The  attempt  was  entirely  successful.  The  tariff  law 
of  that  year  was  among  the  causes  which  in  that  year  and  for  some  time  after- 
wards effectually  prevented  anybody  from  prospering  too  much,  and  labor 
from  prospering  at  all.  Undoubtedly  it  would  be  possible  at  the  present  time 
to  prevent  any  of  the  trusts  from  remaining  prosperous  by  the  simple  ex- 
pedient of  making  such  a  sweeping  change  in  the  tariff  as  to  paralyze  the  in- 
dustries of  the  country.  The  trusts  would  cease  to  prosper;  but  their 
smaller  competitors  would  be  ruined,  and  the  wageworkers  would  starve, 
while  it  would  not  pay  the  farmer  to  haul  his  produce  to  market. 

The  evils  connected  with  the  trusts  can  be  reached  only  by  rational  ef- 
fort, step  by  step,  along  the  lines  taken  by  Congress  and  the  executive  dur- 
ing the  past  three  years.  If  a  tariff  law  is  passed  under  which  the  coun- 
try prospers,  as  the  country  has  prospered  under  the  present  tariff  law,  then 
all  classes  will  share  in  the  prosperity.  If  a  tariff  law  is  passed  aimed  at 
preventing  the  prosperity  of  some  of  our  people,  it  is  as  certain  as  anything 
can  be  that  this  aim  will  be  achieved  only  by  cutting  down  the  prosperity  of 
all  of  our  people. 

Of  course,  if  our  opponents  are  not  sincere  in  their  proposal  to  abolish 
the  system  of  a  protective  tariff,  there  is  no  use  in  arguing  the  matter  at 


THIRTEENTH     REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.        207 

all,  save  by  pointing  out  again  that  if  on  one  great  issue  they  do  not 
mean  what  they  say,  it  is  hardly  safe  to  trust  them  on  any  other  issue.  But 
if  they  are  sincere  in  this  matter,  then  their  advent  to  power  would  mean 
domestic  misfortune  and  misery  as  widespread  and  far-reaching  as  that 
which  we  saw  ten  years  ago.  When  they  speak  of  protection  as  "robbery," 
they,  of  course,  must  mean  that  it  is  immoral  to  enact  a  tariff  designed  (as 
is  the  present  protective  tariff)  to  secure  to  the  American  wageworker  the 
benefit  of  the  high  standard  of  living  which  we  desire  to  see  kept  up  in 
this  country.  Now,  to  speak  of  the  tariff  in  this  sense  as  "robbery,"  thereby 
giving  it  a  moral  relation,  is  not  merely  rhetorical ;  it  is  on  its  face  false. 
The  question  of  what  tariff  is  best  for  our  people  is  primarily  one  of  expedi- 
ency, to  be  determined  not  on  abstract  academic  grounds,  but  in  the  light  of 
experience.  It  is  a  matter  of  business ;  for  fundamentally  ours  is  a  business 
people — manufacturers,  merchants,  farmers,  wageworkers,  professional  men, 
all  alike.  Our  experience  as  a  people  in  the  past  has  certainly  not  shown  us 
that  we  could  afford  in  this  matter  to  follow  those  professional  counselors 
who  have  confined  themselves  to  study  in  the  closet ;  for  the  actual  working 
of  the  tariff  has  emphatically  contradicted  their  theories.  From  time  to  time 
schedules  must  undoubtedly  be  rearranged  and  readjusted  to  meet  the  shift- 
ing needs  of  the  country,  but  this  can  with  safety  be  done  only  by  those  who 
are  committed  to  the  cause  of  the  protective  system.  To  uproot  and  destroy 
that  system  would  be  to  insure  the  prostration  of  business,  the  closing  of 
factories,  the  improverishment  of  the  farmer,  the  ruin  of  the  capitalist  and 
the  starvation  of  the  wageworker.  Yet,  if  protection  is  indeed  "robbery," 
and  if  our  opponents  really  believe  what  they  say,  then  it  is  precisely  to  the 
destruction  and  uprooting  of  the  tariff,  and  therefore  of  our  business  and  in- 
dustry, that  they  are  pledged.  When  our  opponents  last  obtained  power  it 
was  on  a  platform  declaring  a  protective  tariff  "unconstitutional ;"  and  the 
effort  to  put  this  declaration  into  practice  was  one  of  the  causes  of  the  gen- 
eral national  prostration  lasting  from  1893  to  1897.  If  a  protective  tariff  is 
either  "unconstitutional"  or  "robbery,"  then  it  is  just  as  unconstitu- 
tional, just  as  much  robbery,  to  revise  it  down,  still  leaving  it  protective,  as  it 
would  be  to  enact  it.  In  other  words,  our  opponents  have  committed  them- 
selves to  the  destruction  of  the  protective  principle  in  the  tariff,  using  words 
which  if  honestly  used  forbid  them  from  permitting  this  principle  to  ob- 
tain in  even  the  smallest  degree. 

AS  TO  RECIPROCITY. 

Our  opponents  assert  that  they  believe  in  reciprocity.  Their  action  on  the 
most  important  reciprocity  treaty  recently  negotiated — that  with  Cuba — does 
not  bear  out  this  assertion.  Moreover,  there  can  be  no  reciprocity  unless 
there  is  a.  substantial  tariff;  free  trade  and  reciprocity  are  not  compatible. 
We  are  on  record  as  favoring  arrangements  for  reciprocal  trade  relations 
with  other  countries,  these  arrangements  to  be  on  an  equitable  basis  of 
benefit  to  both  the  contracting  parties.  The  Republican  party  stands  pledged 


208  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

to  every  wise  and  consistent  method  of  increasing  the  foreign  commerce  of 
the  country.  That  it  has  kept  its  pledge  is  proven  by  the  fact  that  while 
the  domestic  trade  of  this  country  exceeds  in  volume  the  entire  export  and 
import  trade  of  all  the  nations  of  the  world,  the  United  States  has  in  addi- 
tion secured  more  than  an  eighth  of  the  export  trade  of  the  world,  stand- 
ing first  among  the  nations  in  this  respect.  The  United  States  has  exported 
during  the  last  seven  years  nearly  ten  billions  of  dollars'  worth  of  goods — 
on  an  average  half  as  much  again  annually  as  during  the  previous  four 
years,  when  many  of  our  people  were  consuming  nothing  but  necessaries, 
and  some  of  them  a  scanty  supply  even  of  these. 

Two  years  ago,  in  speaking  at  Logansport,  Ind.,  I  said : 
"The  one  consideration  which  must  never  be  omitted  in  a  tariff  change  is 
the  imperative  need  of  preserving  the  American  standard  of  living  for  the 
American  workingman.  The  tariff  rate  must  never  fall  below  that  which  will 
protect  the  American  workingman  by  allowing  for  the  difference  between  the 
general  labor  cost  here  and  abroad,  so  as  at  least  to  equalize  the  conditions 
arising  from  the  difference  in  the  standard  of  labor  here  and  abroad — a  dif- 
ference which  it  should  be  our  aim  to  foster  in  so  far  as  it  represents  the 
needs  of  better  educated,  better  paid,  better  fed,  and  better  clothed  work- 
ingmen  of  a  higher  type  than  any  to  be  found  in  a  foreign  country.  At 
all  hazards,  and  no  matter  what  else  is  sought  for  or  accomplished  by  changes 
of  the  tariff,  the  American  workingman  must  be  protected  in  his  standard 
of  wages,  that  is,  in  his  standard  of  living,  and  must  be  secured  the  fullest 
opportunity  of  employment.  Our  laws  should  in  no  event  afford  advantage 
to  foreign  industries  over  American  industries.  They  should  in  no  event 
do  less  than  equalize  the  difference  in  conditions  at  home  and  abroad." 

PROTECTION  MORE  THAN  A  THEORY. 

It  is  a  matter  of  regret  that  the  protective  tariff  policy,  which,  during  the 
last  forty  odd  years,  has  become  part  of  the  very  fiber  of  the  country,  is  not 
now  accepted  as  definitely  established.  Surely  we  have  a  right  to  say  that  it 
has  passed  beyond  the  domain  of  theory,  and  a  right  to  expect  that  not  only 
its  original  advocates  but  those  who  at  one  time  distrusted  it  on  theoretic 
grounds,  should  now  acquiesce  in  the  results  that  have  been  proved  over  and 
over  again  by  actual  experience.  These  forty  odd  years  have  been  the  most 
prosperous  years  this  nation  has  ever  seen ;  more  prosperous  years  than  any 
other  nation  has  ever  seen.  Beyond  question  this  prosperity  could  not  have 
come  if  the  American  people  had  not  possessed  the  necessary  thrift,  en- 
ergy, and  business  intelligence  to  turn  their  vast  material  resources  to  ac- 
count. But  it  is  no  less  true  that  it  is  our  economic  policy  as  regards  the 
tariff  and  finance  which  has  enabled  us  as  a  nation  to  make  such  good  use 
of  the  individual  capacities  of  our  citizens,  and  the  natural  resources  of  our 
country.  Every  class  of  our  people  is  benefited  by  the  protective  tariff.  Dur- 
ing the  last  few  years  the  merchant  has  seen  the  export  trade  of  this  coun- 
try grow  faster  than  ever  in  our  previous  history.  The  manufacturer  could 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       209 

not  keep  his  factory  running  if  it  were  not  for  the  protective  tariff.  The 
wage-worker  would  do  well  to  remember  that  if  protection  is  "robbery,"  and 
is  to  be  punished  accordingly,  he  will  be  the  first  to  pay  the  penalty;  for 
either  he  will  be  turned  adrift  entirely,  or  his  wages  will  be  cut  down  to 
the  starvation  point.  As  conclusively  shown  by  the  bulletins  of  the  bureau 
of  labor,  the  purchasing  power  of  the  average  wage  received  by  the  wage- 
worker  has  grown  faster  than  the  cost  of  living,  and  this  in  spite  of  the 
continual  shortening  of  working  hours.  The  accumulated  savings  of  the 
workingmer*  of  the  country  as  shown  by  the  deposits  in  the  savings  banks, 
have  increased  by  leaps  and  bounds.  At  no  time  in  the  history  of  this  or  any 
other  country  has  there  been  an  era  so  productive  of  material  benefit  alike  to 
workingman  and  employer,  as  during  the  seven  years  that  have  just  passed. 

FARMER  BENEFITED. 

The  farmer  has  benefited  quite  as  much  as  the  manufacturer,  the  mer- 
chant and  the  wage-worker.  The  most  welcome  and  impressive  fact,  estab- 
lished by  the  last  census  is  the  wide  and  even  distribution  of  wealth  among 
all  classes  of  our  countrymen.  The  chief  agencies  in  producing  this  dis- 
tribution are  shown  by  the  census  to  be  the  development  of  manufacturers, 
and  the  application  of  new  inventions  to  universal  use.  The  result  has  been 
an  increasing  interdependence  of  agriculture  and  manufactures.  Agriculture 
is  now,  as  it  always  has  been,  the  basis  of  civilization.  The  six  million 
farms  of  the  United  States,  operated  by  men  who,  as  a  class,  are  steadfast, 
single-minded  and  industrious,  form  the  basis  of  all  the  other  achievements 
of  the  American  people  and  are  more  fruitful  than  all  their  other  resources. 
The  men  on  those  6,000,000  farms  receive  from  the  protective  tariff  what 
they  most  need,  and  that  is  the  best  of  all  possible  markets.  All  other 
classes  depend  upon  the  farmer,  but  the  farmer  in  turn  depends  upon  the 
market  they  furnish  him  for  his  produce.  The  annual  output  of  our  agri- 
cultural products  is  nearly  four  billions  of  dollars.  Their  increase  in  value 
has  been  prodigious,  although  agriculture  has  languished  in  most  other 
countries ;  and  the  main  factor  in  this  increase  is  the  corresponding  increase 
of  our  manufacturing  industries.  American  farmers  have  prospered  because 
the  growth  of  their  market  has  kept  pace  with  the  growth  of  their  farms. 
The  additional  market  continually  furnished  for  agricultural  products  by 
domestic  manufacturers  has  been  far  in  excess  of  the  outlet  to  other  lands. 
An  export  trade  in  farm  products  is  necessary  to  dispose  of  our  surplus  and 
the  export  trade  of  our  farmers,  both  in  animal  products  and  in  plant 
products,  has  very  largely  increased.  Without  the  enlarged  home  market 
to  keep  this  surplus  down,  we  should  have  to  reduce  production  or  else  feed 
the  world  at  less  than  the  cost  of  production.  In  the  forty  years  ending 
in  1900  the  total  value  of  farm  property  increased  $12,500,000,000;  the  farmer 
gaining  even  more  during  this  period  than  the  manufacturer.  Long  ago 
over-production  would  have  checked  the  marvelous  development  of  our 
national  agriculture,  but  for  the  steadily  increasing  demand  of  American 


210  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

manufacturers  for  farm  products  required  as  raw  materials  for  steadily  ex- 
panding industries. 

DEPENDENT  ON  MANUFACTURE. 

The  farmer  has  become  dependent  upon  the  manufacturer  to  utilize  that 
portion  of  his  produce  which  does  not  go  directly  to  food  supply.  In  1900, 
52  per  cent,  or  a  little  over  half,  of  the  total  value  of  the  farm  products  of 
the  nation  was  consumed  in  manufacturing  industries  as  the  raw  materials 
of  the  factories.  Evidently  the  manufacturer  is  the  farmer's  best  and  most 
direct  customer.  Moreover,  the  American  manufacturer  purchases  his  farm 
supplies  almost  exclusively  in  his  own  country.  Nine-tenths  of  all  the  raw 
materials  of  every  kind  and  description  consumed  in  American  manufac- 
tories are  of  American  production.  The  manufacturing  establishments  tend 
steadily  to  migrate  into  the  heart  of  the  great  agricultural  districts.  The 
center  of  the  manufacturing  industry  in  1900  was  near  the  middle  of  Ohio, 
and  it  is  moving  westward  at  the  rate  of  about  thirty  miles  in  every  decade; 
and  this  movement  is  invariably  accompanied  by  a  marked  increase  in  the 
value  of  farm  lands.  Local  causes,  notably  the  competition  between  new 
farm  lands  and  old  farm  lands,  tend  here  and  there  to  obscure  what  is  hap- 
pening; but  it  is  as  certain  as  the  operation  of  any  economic  law,  that  in  the 
country  as  a  whole,  farm  values  will  continue  to  increase  as  the  partner- 
ship between  manufacturer  and  farmer  grows  more  intimate  through  further 
advance  of  industrial  science. 

The  American  manufacturer  never  could  have  placed  this  nation  at  the 
head  of  the  manufacturing  nations  of  the  world  if  he  had  not  had  behind  him, 
securing  him  every  variety  of  raw  material,  the  exhaustless  resources  of 
the  American  farm,  developed  by  the  skill  and  the  enterprise  of  intelligent 
and  educated  American  farmers.  On  the  other  hand,  the  debt  of  the  farm- 
ers to  the  manufacturers  is  equally  heavy,  and  the  future  of  American  agri- 
culture is  bound  up  in  the  future  of  American  manufactures.  The  two  in- 
dustries have  become,  under  the  economic  policy  of  our  government,  so 
closely  interwoven,  so  mutually  interdependent,  that  neither  can  hope  to 
maintain  itself  at  the  high-water  mark  of  progress  without  the  other.  What- 
ever makes  to  the  advantage  of  one  is  equally  to  the  advantage  of  the  other. 

So  it  is  as  between  the  capitalist  and  the  wage-worker.  Here  and  there 
there  may  be  an  unequal  sharing  as  between  the  two  in  the  benefits  that  have 
come  by  protection ;  but  benefits  have  come  to  both ;  and  a  reversal  in  policy 
would  mean  damage  to  both,  and  while  the  damage  would  be  heavy  to  all,  it 
would  be  heaviest,  and  it  would  fall  soonest,  upon  those  who  are  paid  in 
the  form  of  wages  each  week  or  each  month  for  that  week's  or  that  month's 
work. 

Conditions  change  and  the  laws  must  be  modified  from  time  to  time  to 
fit  new  exigencies.  But  the  genuine  undelying  principle  of  protection,  as  it 
has  been  embodied  in  all  but  one  of  the  American  tariff  laws  for  the  last 
forty  years,  has  worked  out  results  so  beneficent,  so  evenly  and  widely 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      211 

spread,  so  advantageous  alike  to  farmers  and  capitalists  and  workingmen,  to 
commerce  and  trade  of  every  kind,  that  the  American  people,  if  they  show 
their  usual  practical  business  sense,  will  insist  that  when  these  laws  are 
modified  they  shall  be  modified  with  the  utmost  care  and  conservatism,  and 
by  the  friends  and  not  the  enemies  of  the  protective  system.  They  cannot 
afford  to  trust  the  modification  to  those  who  treat  protection  and  robbery  as 
synonymous  terms. 

In  closing  what  I  have  to  say  about  the  system  of  promoting  American 
industry,  let  me  add  a  word  of  cordial  agreement  with  the  policy  of  in  some 
way  including  within  its  benefits,  by  appropriate  legislation,  the  American 
merchant  marine.  It  is  not  creditable  to  us  as  a  nation  that  our  great  ex- 
port and  import  trade  should  be  well-nigh  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  for- 
eigners. 

REDUCTION  OF  ARMY. 

It  is  difficult  to  know  if  our  opponents  are  really  sincere  in  their  demand 
for  the  reduction  of  the  army,  li  insincere,  there  is  no  need  for  comment, 
and  if  sincere,  what  shall  we  say  in  speaking  to  rational  persons  of  an  ap- 
peal to  reduce  an  army  of  60,000  men  which  is  taking  care  of  the  interests  of 
over  eighty  million  people?  The  army  is  now  relatively  smaller  than  it 
was  in  the  days  of  Washington,  when  on  the  peace  establishment  there  were 
3,600  soldiers,  while  there  were  a  little  less  than  four  millions  of  population ; 
smaller  than  it  was  in  the  peaceful  days  of  Jefferson,  when  there  were 
5,100  soldiers  to  5,300,000  population. 

There  is  now  one  soldier  to  every  fourteen  hundred  people  in  this 
country — less  than  one-tenth  of  one  per  cent.  We  cannot  be  asked  seriously 
to  argue  as  to  the  amount  of  possible  tyranny  contained  in  these  figures..  The 
army  as  it  is  now  is  as  small  as  it  can  possibly  be  and  serve  its  purpose  as 
an  effective  nucleus  for  the  organization,  equipment  and  supply  of  a  vol- 
unteer army  in  time  of  need. 

It  is  now  used,  as  never  before,  for  aiding  in  the  upbuilding  of  the  organ- 
ized militia  of  the  country.  The  war  department  is  engaged  in  a  systematic 
effort  to  strengthen  and  develop  the  National  Guard  in  the  several  states, 
as  witness,  among  many  other  instances,  the  great  field  maneuvers  at 
Manassas,  which  have  just  closed.  If  our  opponents  should  come  into 
power  they  could  not  reduce  our  army  below  its  present  size  without  greatly 
impairing  its  efficiency  and  abandoning  part  of  the  national  duty.  In  short, 
in  this  matter,  if  our  opponents  should  come  into  power  they  would 
either  have  to  treat  this  particular  promise  of  the  year  1904  as  they  now 
treat  the  promises  they  made  in  1896  and  1900,  that  is,  as  possessing  no  bind- 
ing force;  or  else  they  would  have  to  embark  on  a  policy  which  would  be 
ludicrous  at  the  moment,  and  fraught  with  grave  danger  to  the  national  honor 
in  the  future. 


212  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

EXTRAVAGANCE  CHARGED. 

Our  opponents  contend  that  the  government  is  now  administering  extrava- 
gantly, and  that  whereas  there  was  a  "surplus  of  $80,000,000  in  1900"  there  is 
"a  deficit  of  more  than  $40,000,000  in  the  year  that  has  just  closed." 

This  deficit  is  imaginary,  and  is  obtained  by  including  in  the  ordinary  cur- 
rent expenses  the  sum  of  $50,000,000,  which  was  paid  for  the  right  of  way 
of  the  Panama  canal  out  of  the  accumulated  surplus  in  the  treasury.  Com- 
paring the  current  or  ordinary  expenditures  for  the  two  years,  there  was  a 
surplus  of  nearly  eighty  million  dollars  for  the  year  1900,  and  of  only  a  little 
more  than  eight  millions  for  the  year  that  has  just  closed.  But  this  diminu- 
tion of  the  annual  surplus  was  brought  about  designedly  by  the  abolition  of 
the  war  taxes  in  the  interval  between  the  two  dates.  The  acts  of  March  2, 
1901,  and  April  12,  1902,  cut  down  the  internal  revenue  taxes  to  an  amount 
estimated  at  one  hundred  and  five  millions  a  year.  In  other  words,  the 
reduction  of  taxation  has  been  considerably  greater  than  the  reduction  in 
the  annual  surplus.  Since  the  close  of  the  war  with  Spain  there  has  been 
no  substantial  change  in  the  rate  of  annual  expenditures.  As  compared  with 
the  fiscal  year  ending  in  June,  1901,  for  example,  the  fiscal  year  that  has 
just  closed  showed  a  relatively  small  increase  in  expenditure  (excluding  the 
canal  payment  already  referred  to),  while  the  year  previous  showed  a  rela- 
tively small  decrease. 

The  expenditures  of  the  nation  have  been  managed  in  a  spirit  of  economy 
as  far  removed  from  waste  as  from  niggardliness ;  and  in  the  future  every 
effort  will  be  continued  to  secure  an  economy  as  strict  as  is  consistent  with 
efficiency.  Once  more  our  opponents  have  promised  what  they  cannot  or 
should  not  perform. 

The  prime  reason  why  the  expenses  of  the  government  have  increased  of 
recent  years  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  people,  after  mature  thought, 
have  deemed  if}  wise  to  have  certain  new  forms  of  work  for  the  public  un- 
dertaken by  the  public.  This  necessitates  such  expenditures,  for  instance,  as 
those  for  rural  free  delivery,  or  for  the  inspection  of  meats  under  the  depart- 
ment of  agriculture,  or  for  irrigation.  But  these  new  expenditures  are  neces- 
sary; no  one  would  seriously  propose  to  abandon  them;  and  yet  it  is  idle  to 
declaim  against  the  increased  expense  of  the  government  unless  it  is  in- 
tended to  cut  down  the  very  expenditures  which  cause  the  increase.  The 
pensions  to  the  veterans  of  the  civil  war  are  demanded  by  every  sentiment 
of  regard  and  gratitude.  The  rural  free  delivery  is  of  the  greatest  use  and 
convenience  to  the  farmers,  and  a  body  of  men  who  live  under  conditions 
which  make  them  ordinarily  receive  little  direct  return  for  what  they  pay 
toward  the  support  of  the  government.  The  irrigation  policy  in  the  arid 
and  semi-arid  regions  of  the  west  is  fraught  with  the  most  beneficient  and 
far-reaching  good  to  the  actual  settlers,  the  home-makers,  whose  encourage- 
ment is  a  traditional  feature  in  America's  national  policy.  Do  our  opponents 
grudge  the  fifty  millions  paid  for  the  Panama  canal?  Do  they  intend  to 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      213 

cut  down  on  the  pensions  to  the  veterans  of  the  civil  war?  Do  they  intend 
to  put  a  stop  to  the  irrigation  policy?  or  to  the  permanent  census  bureau? 
or  to  immigration  inspection?  Do  they  intend  to  abolish  rural  free  de- 
livery? Do  they  intend  to  cut  down  the  navy?  or  the  Alaskan  telegraph 
system?  Do  they  intend  to  dismantle  our  coast  fortifications?  If  there  is  to 
be  a  real  and  substantial  cutting  down  in  national  expenditures  it  must  be  in 
such  matters  as  these.  The  department  of  agriculture  has  done  service  of 
incalculable  value  to  the  farmers  of  this  country  in  many  different  lines.  Do 
our  opponents  wish  to  cut  down  the  money  for  this  service?  They  can  do  it 
only  by  destroying  the  usefulness  of  the  service  itself. 

The  public  work  of  the  United  States  has  never  been  conducted  with  a 
higher  degree  of  honesty  and  efficiency  than  at  the  present  time,  and  a 
special  meed  of  praise  belongs  to  those  officials  responsible  for  the  Philip- 
pines and  Porto  Rica,  where  the  administrations  have  been  models  of  their 
kind.  Of  course,  wrong  has  occasionally  occurred,  but  it  has  been  relent- 
lessly stamped  out.  We  have  known  no  party  in  dealing  with  offenders,  and 
have  hunted  down  without  mercy  every  wrongdoer  in  the  service  of  the 
nation  whom  it  was  possible  by  the  utmost  vigilance  to  detect ;  for  the  public 
servant  who  betrays  his  trust  and  the  private  individual  who  debauches 
him  stand  as  the  worst  of  criminals,  because  their  crimes  are  crimes  against  the 
entire  community,  and  not  only  against  this  generation  but  against  the  gen- 
erations that  are  yet  to  be. 

PHILIPPINE  POLICY. 

Our  opponents  promise  independence  to  the  Philippine  islands.  Here 
again  we  are  confronted  by  the  fact  that  their  irreconcilable  differences  of 
opinion  among  themselves,  their  proved  inability  to  create  a  constructive 
policy  when  in  power,  and  their  readiness,  for  the  sake  of  monetary  political 
expediency,  to  abandon  the  principles  upon  which  they  have  insisted  as  es- 
sential, conspire  to  puzzle  us  as  to  whether  they  do  or  do  not  intend  in 
good  faith  to  carry  out  this  promise  if  they  are  given  control  of  the  gov- 
ernment. In  their  platform  they  declare  for  independence,  apparently — 
for  their  language  is  a  little  obscure — without  qualification  as 
to  time,  and  indeed  a  qualification  as  to  time  is  an  absurdity, 
for  we  have  neither  right  nor  power  to  bind  our  successors  when 
it  is  impossible  to  foretell  the  conditions  which  may  confront  them ;  while 
if  there  is  any  principle  involved  in  the  matter,  it  is  just  as  wrong  to  deny 
independence  for  a  few  years  as  to  deny  it  for  an  indefinite  period.  But 
in  later  and  equally  official  utterances  by  our  opponents  the  term  self-govern- 
ment was  substituted  for  independence;  the  words  used  being  so  chosen 
that  in  their  natural  construction  they  described  precisely  the  policy  now 
being  carried  on.  The  language  of  the  platform  indicated  a  radical  change  of 
policy;  the  latter  utterances  indicated  a  continuance  of  the  present  policy. 
But  this  caused  trouble  in  their  own  ranks ;  and  in  a  still  later,  although  less 


214  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

formal,  utterance,  the  self-government  promise  was  recanted,  and  independ- 
ence at  some  future  time  was  promised  in  its  place. 

They  have  occupied  three  entirely  different  positions  within  fifty  days. 
Which  is  the  promise  they  really  intend  to  keep?  They  do  not  know  their 
own  minds ;  and  no  one  can  tell  how  long  they  would  keep  of  the  same  mind, 
should  they  by  any  chance  come  to  a  working  agreement  among  themselves. 
If  such  ambiguity  affected  only  the  American  people  it  would  not  so 
greatly  matter;  for  the  American  people  can  take  care  of  themselves.  But 
the  Filipinos  are  in  no  such  condition.  Confidence  is  with  them  a  plant  of  slow 
growth.  They  have  been  taught  to  trust  the  word  of  this  government  be- 
cause this  government  has  promised  nothing  which  it  did  not  perform.  If 
promised  independence  they  will  expect  independence ;  not  in  the  remote 
future,  for  their  descendants,  but  immediately,  for  themselves.  If  the  promise 
thus  made  is  not  immediately  fulfilled  they  will  regard  it  as  broken,  and 
will  not  again  trust  to  American  faith ;  and  it  would  be  indeed  a  wicked 
thing  to  deceive  them  in  such  fashion. 

Moreover,  even  if  the  promise  were  made  to  take  effect  only  in  the 
distant  future,  the  Filipinos  would  be  thrown  into  confusion  thereby.  In- 
stead of  continuing  .to  endeavor  to  fit  themselves  for  moral  and  material 
advancement  in  the  present,  they  would  abandon  all  effort  at  progress  and 
begin  factional  intrigues  for  future  power. 

To  promise  to  give  them  independence  when  it  is  "prudent"  to  do  so, 
or  when  they  are  "fit"'  for  it,  of  course  implies  that  they  are  not  fit  for  it 
now,  and  that  it  would  be  imprudent  to  give  it  to  them  now.  But  as  we 
must  ourselves  be  the  judges  as  to  when  they  become  "fit,"  and  when  it 
would  be  "prudent"  to  keep  such  a  promise  if  it  were  made,  it  necessarily  fol- 
lows that  to  make  such  a  promise  now  would  amount  to  a  deception  upon  the 
Filipinos. 

It  may  well  be  that  our  opponents  have  no  real  intention  of  putting  their 
promise  into  effect.  If  this  is  the  case,  if,  in  other  words,  they  are  insin- 
cere in  the  promise  they  make,  it  is  only  necessary  to  say  again  that  it  is 
unwise  to  trust  men  who  are  false  in  one  thing  to  deal  with  anything.  The 
mere  consciousness  of  broken  faith  would  hamper  them  in  continuing  our 
policy  in  the  islands ;  and  only  by  continuing  unchanged  this  policy  can  the 
honor  of  the  country  be  maintained,  or  the  interests  of  the  islands  subserved. 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  our  opponents  came  into  power  and  attempted  to  carry 
out  their  promises  to  the  Filipinos  by  giving  them  independence,  and  with- 
drawing American  control  from  the  island,  the  result  would  be  a  frightful 
calamity  to  the  Filipinos  themselves,  and  in  its  larger  aspect  would  amount  to 
an  international  crime.  Anarchy  wouid  follow ;  and  the  most  violent  anarchic 
forces  would  be  directed  partly  against  the  civil  government,  partly  against  all 
forms  of  religious  and  educational  civilization.  Bloody  conflicts  would  in- 
evitably ensue  in  the  archipelago,  and  just  as  inevitably  the  island  would 
become  the  prey  of  the  first  power  which,  in  its  own  selfish  interest,  took  up 
the  task  we  had  cravenly  abandoned 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      215 

SCUTTLE  POLICY. 

Of  course  the  practical  difficulty  in  adopting  any  such  course  of  action — 
such  a  "policy  of  scuttle,"  as  President  McKinley  called  it — would  be  found 
well  nigh  insuperable.  If  it  is  morally  indefensible  to  hold  the  archipelago 
as  a  whole  under  our  tutelage  in  the  interest  of  our  own  people,  then  it  is 
morally  indefensible  to  hold  any  part  of  it.  In  such  case  what  right  have 
we  to  keep  a  coaling  station?  What  right  to  keep  control  over  the  Moro 
peoples?  What  right  to  protect  the  Igorrotes  from  their  oppressors? 
What  right  to  protect  the  law-abiding  friends  of  America  in  the  islands 
from  treachery,  robbery  and  murder?  Yet,  to  abandon  the  islands  com- 
pletely, without  even  retaining  a  coaling  station,  would  mean  to  abandon 
the  position  in  the  competition  for  the  trade  of  the  orient  which  we  have 
acquired  during  the  last  six  years ;  and  what  is  far  more  important,  it  would 
mean  irreparable  damage  to  those  who  have  become  the  wards  of  the  na- 
tion. To  abandon  all  control  over  the  Moros  would  amount  to  releasing 
these  Moros  to  prey  upon  the  Christian  Filipinos,  civilized  or  semi-civil- 
ized, as  well  as  upon  the  commerce  of  other  peoples.  The  Moros  are  in 
large  part  still  in  the  stage  of  culture  where  the  occupations  of  the  bandit 
and  the  pirate  are  those  most  highly  regarded ;  and  it  has  not  been  found 
practical  to  give  them  self-government  in  the  sense  that  we  have  been 
giving  it  to  the  Christian  inhabitants.  To  abandon  the  Moro  country,  as 
our  opponents  propose  in  their  platform,  would  be  precisely  as  if  twenty- 
five  years  ago  we  had  withdrawn  the  army  and  the  civil  agents  from 
within  and  around  the  Indian  reservations  in  the  west  at  a  time  when  the 
Sioux  and  the  Apache  were  still  the  terror  of  our  settlers.  It  would  be  a 
criminal  absurdity;  and  yet  our  opponents  have  pledged  themselves  thereto. 
If  successful  in  the  coming  election  they  would  either  have  to  break  faith, 
or  else  to  do  an  act  which  would  leave  an  indelible  stain  upon  our  na- 
tional reputation  for  courage  and  for  good  sense. 

During  the  last  five  years  more  has  been  done  for  the  material  and 
moral  well-being  of  the  Filipinos  than  ever  before  since  the  islands  first 
came  within  the  ken  of  civilized  man  We  have  opened  before  them  a 
vista  of  orderly  development  in  their  own  interest,  and  not  a  policy  of  ex- 
ploitation. 

Every  effort  is  being  made  to  fit  the  islanders  for  self-government,  and 
they  have  already  in  large  measure  received  it,  while  for  the  first  time  in 
their  history  their  personal  rights  and  civil  liberties  have  been  guaranteed. 
They  are  being  educated ;  they  have  been  given  schools ;  they  have  been 
given  libraries;  roads  are  being  built  for  their  use;  their  health  is  being 
cared  for;  they  have  been  given  courts  in  which  they  receive  justice  as 
absolute  as  it  is  in  our  power  to  guarantee.  Their  individual  rights  to  life, 
liberty  and  the  pursuits  of  happiness  are  now  by  act  of  Congress  jealously 
safeguarded  under  the  American  flag;  and  if  the  protection  of  the  flag  were 
withdrawn  their  rights  would  be  lost,  and  the  islands  would  be  plunged 


216  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

back  under  some  form  of  vicious  tyranny.  We  have  given  them  more  self- 
government  than  they  have  ever  before  had ;  we  are  taking  steps  to  in- 
crease it  still  further  by  providing  them  with  an  elected  legislative  assembly ; 
and  surely  we  had  better  await  the  results  of  this  experiment — for  it  is  a 
wholly  new  experiment  in  Asia — before  we  make  promises  which  as  a  na- 
tion we  might  be  forced  to  break,  or  which  they  might  interpret  one  way 
and  we  in  another.  It  may  be  asserted  without  fear  of  successful  contra- 
diction that  nowhere  else  in  recent  years  has  there  been  as  fine  an  example 
of  constructive  statesmanship  and  wise  and  upright  administration  as  has 
been  given  by  the  civil  authorities,  aided  by  the  army,  in  the  Philippine 
islands.  We  have  administered  them  in  the  interest  of  their  own  people ; 
and  the  Filipinos  themselves  have  profited  most  by  our  presence  in  the 
islands;  but  they  have  also  been  of  very  great  advantage  to  us  as  a  nation. 

SPREAD  KNOWLEDGE  OF  FREEDOM. 

So  far  from  having  "sapped  the  foundations"  of  free  popular  govern- 
ment at  home  by  the  course  taken  in  the  Philippines,  we  have  been  spread- 
ing its  knowledge,  and  teaching  its  practice,  among  peoples  to  whom  it  had 
never  before  been  more  than  an  empty  name.  Our  action  represents  a  great 
stride  forward  in  spreading  the  principles  of  orderly  liberty  throughout  the 
world.  "Our  flag  has  not  lost  its  gift  of  benediction  in  its  world-wide  jour- 
ney to  their  shores."  We  have  treated  the  power  we  have  gained  as  a 
solemn  obligation,  and  have  used  it  in  the  interest  of  mankind ;  and  the 
peoples  of  the  world  and  especially  the  weaker  peoples  of  the  world  are 
better  off  because  of  the  position  we  have  assumed.  To  retrace  our  steps 
would  be  to  give  proof  of  an  infirm  and  unstable  national  purpose. 

Four  years  ago,  in  his  speech  of  acceptance,  President  McKinley  said : 

"We  have  been  moving  in  untried  paths,  but  our  steps  have  been  guided 
by  honor  and  duty.  There  will  be  no  turning  aside,  no  wavering,  no  re- 
treat. No  blow  has  been  struck  except  for  liberty  and  humanity,  and  none 
will  be.  We  will  perform  without  fear  every  national  and  international 
obligation.  The  Republican  party  was  dedicated  to  freedom  forty-four 
years  ago.  It  has  been  the  party  of  liberty  and  emancipation  from  that 
hour;  not  of  profession,  but  of  performance.  It  broke  the  shackles  for  four 
million  slaves,  and  made  them  free,  and  to  the  party  of  Lincoln  has  come 
another  supreme  opportunity  which  it  has  bravely  met  in  the  liberation  of 
ten  millions  of  the  human  family  from  the  yoke  of  imperialism.  In  its 
solution  of  great  problems,  in  its  performance  of  high  duties,  it  has  had 
the  support  of  members  of  all  parties  in  the  past,  and  it  confidently  in- 
vokes their  co-operation  in  the  future." 

This  is  as  true  now  as  four  years  ago.  We  did  not  take  the  Philip- 
pines at  will,  and  we  cannot  put  them  aside  at  will.  Any  abandonment  of 
the  policy  which  we  have  steadily  pursued  in  the  islands  would  be  fraught 
with  dishonor  and  disaster;  and  to  such  dishonor  and  disaster  I  do  not  be- 
lieve that  the  American  people  will  consent. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       217 

BENEFITS   RECEIVED. 

Alarm  has  been  professed  lest  the  Filipinos  should  not  receive  all  the 
benefits  guaranteed  to  our  people  at  home  by  the  fourteenth  amendment 
to  the  constitution.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Filipinos  have  already  secured 
the  substance  of  these  benefits.  This  government  has  been  true  to  the 
spirit  of  the  fourteenth  amendment  in  the  Philippines.  Can  our  oppon- 
ents deny  that  here  at  the  home  the  principles  of  the  fourteenth  and  fif- 
teenth amendments  have  been  in  effect  nullified?  In  this,  as  in  many  other 
matters,  we  at  home  can  well  profit  by  the  example  of  those  responsible  for 
the  actual  management  of  affairs  in  the  Philippines.  In  our  several  com- 
monwealths here  in  the  United  States  we  as  a  people  now  face  the  com- 
plex problem  of  securing  fair  treatment  to  each  man  regardless  of  his 
race  or  color.  We  can  do  so  only1  if  we  approach  the  problem  in  the  spirit 
of  courage,  common  sense  and  high-minded  devotion  to  the  right,  which 
has  enabled  Governor  Taft,  Governor  Wright  and  their  associates  to  do  so 
noble  a  work  in  giving  to  the  Philippine  people  the  benefit  of  the  true 
principles  of  American  liberty. 

APPEAL  TO  GOOD  CITIZENS. 

Our  appeal  is  made  to  all  good  citizens  who  hold  the  honor  and  the 
interests  of  the  nation  close  to  their  hearts.  The  great  issues  which  are  at 
stake,  and  upon  which  I  have  touched,  are  more  than  mere  partisan  issues, 
for  they  involve  much  that  comes  home  to  the  individual  pride  and  indi- 
vidual well-being  of  our  people.  Under  conditions  as  they  actually  are, 
good  Americans  should  refuse,  for  the  sake  of  the  welfare  of  the  nation, 
to  change  the  national  policy.  We,  who  are  responsible  for  the  adminis- 
tration and  legislation  under  which  this  country,  during  the  last  seven 
years,  has  grown  so  greatly  in  well-being  at  home  and  in  honorable  re- 
pute among  the  nations  of  the  earth  abroad,  do  not  stand  inertly  upon  this 
record,  do  not  use  this  record  as  an  excuse  for  failure  of  effort  to  meet  new 
conditions.  On  the  contrary,  we  treat  the  record  of  what  we  have  done  in 
the  past  as  incitement  to  do  even  better  in  the  future. 

We  believe  that  the  progress  that  we  have  made  may  be  taken  as  a 
measure  of  the  progress  we  shall  continue  to  make  if  the  people  again  en- 
trust the  government  of  the  nation  to  our  hands.  We  do  not  stand  still. 
We  press  steadily  forward  toward  the  goal  of  moral  and  material  well- 
being  for  our  own  people,  of  just  and  fearless  dealing  toward  all  other 
peoples  in  the  interest  not  merely  of  this  country  but  of  mankind. 

There  is  not  a  policy,  foreign  or  domestic,  which  we  are  now  carry- 
ing out  which  it  would  not  be  disastrous  to  reverse  or  abandon.  If  our 
opponents  should  came  in  and  should  not  reverse  our  policies,  then  they 
would  be  branded  with  the  brand  of  broken  faith,  of  false  promise,  of  in- 
sincerity in  word  and  deed,  and  no  man  can  work  to  the  advantage  of  the 
nation  with  such  a  brand  clfnging  to  him.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  they 


218  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

should  come  in  and  reverse  any  or  all  of  our  policies,  by  just  so  much  would 
the  nation  as  a  whole  be  damaged. 

Alike  as  lawmakers  and  as  administrators  of  the  law,  we  have  endea- 
vored to  do  our  duty  in  the  interest  of  the  people  as  a  whole.  We  make 
our  appeal  to  no  class  and  to  no  section,  but  to  all  good  citizens,  in  what- 
ever part  of  the  land  they  dwell,  and  whatever  may  be  their  occupation  or 
worldly  condition.  We  have  striven  both  for  civic  righteousness  and  for 
national  greatness,  and  we  have  faith  to  believe  that  our  hands  will  be 
upheld  by  all  who  feel  love  of  country  and  trust  in  the  uplifting  of  man- 
kind. We  stand  for  enforcement  of  the  law  and  for  obedience  to  the  law ; 
our  government  is  a  government  of  orderly  liberty  equally  alien  to  tyranny 
and  to  anarchy,  and  its  foundation  stone  is  the  observance  of  the  law,  alike 
by  the  people  and  by  the  public  servants.  We  hold  ever  before  us  as 
the  all-important  end  of  policy  and  administration  the  reign  of  peace  at 
home  and  throughout  the  world;  peace,  which  comes  only  by  doing  jus- 
tice. Faithfully  yours,  —THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.        219 

SENATOR   FAIRBANKS'    LETTER   OF   ACCEPTANCE 


The  Hon.  Elihu  Root,  Chairman  of  Notification  Committee : 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : — In  accordance  with  the  promise  made  when  you  formally 
notified  me  of  my  nomination  for  Vice-President,  I  avail  myself  of  this  oppor- 
tunity to  submit  to  you,  and  through  you,  to  my  fellow-citizens,  some  further 
views  with  respect  to  the  questions  in  issue  before  the  people. 

The  principles  which  are  so  frankly  and  felicitously  expressed  in  the  plat- 
form adopted  by  the  Republican  National  Convention  meet  with  my  hearti- 
est approval.  In  the  main  they  have  been  subjected  to  the  test  of  actual 
experience  and  have  been  found  to  be  well  suited  to  our  industrial  and 
national  needs.  They  have  brought  us  to  a  high  state  of  material  develop- 
ment, and  have  made  the  nation's  name  respected  among  the  powers  of  the 
earth. 

The  utterances  of  political  parties  must  be  interpreted  in  the  light  of  that 
practical  construction  which  they  have  put  upon  them  when  intrusted  with 
power.  It  is  not  alone  what  they  say,  but  what  they  will  do,  which  should 
weigh  in  determining  their  capacity  to  administer  public  affairs. 

We  have  had  two  administrations  in  the  last  seven  years  which  have  been 
governed  by  the  same  policies.  We  may  consult  the  trade  reports  in  vain  to 
discover  when  the  one  ended  and  the  other  began.  Both  were  obliged  to 
make  vast  expenditures  for  much-needed  public  works.  The  rapidly  ex- 
panding needs  of  the  government  business  must  be  met.  The  national 
equipment  must  keep  pace  with  our  national  growth,  yet  always  with  due 
regard  to  the  principles  of  sound  economy  in  public  expenditure.  We  have 
pursued  no  parsimonious  policy  on  the  one  hand  nor  indulged  in  extrava- 
gance on  the  other.  We  have  measured  the  public  expense  by  the  public 
necessity. 

The  convention  did  well  in  its  hearty  commendation  of  the  administration 
of  President  Roosevelt.  This  is  sharply  challenged  by  the  opposition.  We 
accept  the  issue  with  confidence.  The  President  assumed  the  responsibilities 
of  chief  executive  with  a  pledge  to  carry  out  the  policy  of  his  beloved  and 
lamented  predecessor.  He  kept  the  Cabinet  of  President  McKinley,  com- 
posed of  statesmen  of  eminent  ability,  in  whom  the  country  placed  entire 
confidence.  He  carried  forward  the  uncompleted  work  faithfully  and  suc- 
cessfully. The  pledge  has  been  kept  scrupulously;  the  promise  has  been  ful- 
filled. Peace  and  good  order  have  been  maintained.  Domestic  and  foreign 
trade  have  increased  and  relations  of  amity  have  been  preserved  with  foreign 
powers. 

The  foreign  policy  of  the  administration  has  been  conservative,  just  and 
firm,  and  has  made  for  the  advancement  of  peace.  Time  and  events  have 
given  us  a  larger  place  in  international  affairs.  While  we  have  enlarged  our 
foreign  commerce,  we  have  increased  our  prestige  abroad,  not  with  the  sword, 
but  through  the  peaceful  agency  of  enlightened  diplomacy. 


220  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Thirty  treaties  have  been  concluded  and  proclaimed,  and  stand  to  the 
credit  of  the  administration.  Some  of  these  are  of  far-reaching  importance. 
Among  the  number  are  the  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty,  superseding  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  convention,  which  stood  in  the  way  of  the  construction  of  an  Isth- 
mian canal ;  the  Panama  Canal  treaty,  the  Alaskan  boundary  treaty,  and 
commercial  treaties  with  China  and  with  Cuba. 

Events  in  the  Far  East  suggest  the  wisdom  and  necessity  of  a  continuance 
of  the  present  foreign  policy.  We  have  maintained  exact  neutrality  between 
Russia  and  Japan.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  between  them,  they  assented 
to  the  suggestion  made  by  the  administration,  limiting  the  zone  of  hostilities. 
This  tends  to  preserve  the  open  door  in  the  Orient,  so  important  and  so 
much  desired  in  the  expansion  of  our  commerce.  It  is  the  policy  of  the 
administration,  predicated  upon  the  soundest  national  prudence,  to  settle  and 
remove  by  treaty,  so  far  as  possible,  those  international  differences  which 
might  lead  to  future  friction. 

We  favor  the  adjustment  of  international  disagreements  by  an  appeal  to 
reason,  rather  than  to  arms.  A  great  majority  of  the  questions  which  arise 
between  nations  may,  without  compromising  the  national  honor,  be  sub- 
mitted to  arbitration.  The  administration  of  President  McKinley  did  well 
to  aid  in  the  creation  of  The  Hague  tribunal,  and  President  Roosevelt  is 
entitled  to  great  credit  for  being  the  first  to  invoke  its  jurisdiction  in  the 
settlement  of  the  Pious  Fund  cases. 

Our  relations  with  the  world  were  never  better.  We  have  avoided  all 
entangling  alliances,  and,  in  the  language  of  the  eminent  Secretary  of  State, 
"We  are  without  an  ally  and  without  an  enemy." 

The  convention  wisely  declared  in  favor  of  "protection  which  guards  and 
develops  our  industries,"  and  that  "the  measure  of  protection  should  always 
at  least  equal  the  difference  in  the  cost  of  production  at  home  and  abroad.'' 
This  principle  was  embodied  in  the  platform  of  the  convention  which  first 
nominated  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  it  has  continued  to  be  one  of  the  cardinal 
doctrines  of  the  Republican  party  during  the  forty-four  years  which  have 
elapsed  since  then.  It  has  been  incorporated  into  the  public  law  and  has 
become  the  foundation  of  our  industrial  system.  It  has  been  regarded  by 
the  Republican  party  as  a  reasonable  and  appropriate  exercise  of  the  legis- 
lative power  when  imposing  duties  upon  imports  to  discriminate  in  favor  of 
American  industries.  This  principle  is  dictated  by  a  due  regard  for  our  own 
enterprise  and  industry,  and  is  founded  upon  the  highest  considerations  of 
national  interest. 

The  Democratic  convention  which  lately  assembled  at  St.  Louis  denounced 
"protection  as  a  robbery  of  the  many  to  enrich  the  few,"  and  favored  a 
"revision  and  gradual  reduction  of  the  tariff." 

The  issue  is  thus  distinctly  made.  It  is  by  no  means  a  new  one,  for  while 
the]  Republican  party  has  uniformly  adhered  to  the  policy  of  protection,  the 
Democratic  party  has  been  consistent  in  its  opposition.  It  has  held  to  the 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.       221 

doctrine  of  a  revenue  tariff,  and  during  all  the  years  of  the  contest  has 
maintained  that  the  protective  system  was  opposed  to  good  morals,  in  con- 
travention of  the  constitution,  and  in  violation  of  sound  economics.  The 
objections  which  are  now  urged  against  it  are  only  a  repetition  of  those 
which  have  found  utterance  for  many  years.  The  difference  between  the 
parties  is  radical  and  fundamental.  It  involves  the  principle  of  protection 
and  not  simply  the  measure  of  the  duties  to  be  laid. 

A  revision  of  duties  should  be  made  only  when  conditions  have  so 
changed  that  the  public  interest  demands  their  alteration,  and  they  should 
be  so  revised  as  to  preserve  and  not  destroy  the  protective  principle. 

A  revision  and  reduction  by  those  who  regard  the  tariff  as  a  robbery 
must  awaken  serious  apprehension  among  all  whose  capital  is  employed  or 
who  are  engaged  at  labor  in  the  various  enterprises  throughout  the  country, 
which  depend  in  large  measure  upon  the  maintenance  of  the  protective  sys- 
tem. A  revision  of  the  tariff  along  revenue  lines  means  the  increased 
importation  of  the  products  of  foreign  manufacture  which  come  into  compe- 
tition with  our  domestic  production.  It  means  a  loss  to  the  American  wage- 
earners  and  to  American;  capital.  This  is,  therefore,  not  a  theoretical  ques- 
tion which  is  presented  to  them,  but  is  one  of  immediate  and  practical 
moment.  It  can  be  settled  by  them,  and  by  them  only. 

History  abundantly  shows  that  the  greatest  industrial  development  of 
the  country  has  occurred  during  the  period  when  the  protective  tariff  has 
been  maintained,  and  that  during  this  time  labor  has  received  its  largest 
rewards  and  capital  has  been  most  profitably  engaged. 

The  development  of  the  country  during  the  last  forty-four  years  is  a 
complete  vindication  of  the  virtue  and  efficacy  of  a  protective  system.  Its 
benefits  have  been  diffused  through  all  sections  of  the  country  and  among 
all  our  people.  It  has  enlarged  our  home  market  until  it  has  become  the 
greatest  in  the  world.  This  we  should  not  unnecessarily  surrender.  We 
have  believed  it  to  be  a  wise  national  policy  to  preserve  the  American  mar- 
ket for  American  producers  and  to  secure  to  our  workingmen  an  increased 
wage  scale. 

In  1860  the  value  of  our  exports  and  manufactures  was  $40,345,892. 
Twenty  years  later  it  was  $102,856.015,  and  last  year  $452,445,629.  The 
pretention  of  its  opponents  that  the  protective  tariff  is  inconsistent  with  the 
extension  of  our  foreign  commerce  is  thus  denied  by  actual  results.  In 
considering  the  effect  of  the  respective  tariff  policies  of  the  Republican  and 
Democratic  parties,  we  are  fortunately  able  to  consult  past  experience. 
What  a  revenue  tariff  will  accomplish  we  know,  for  we  have  hitherto  seen 
how  it  has  arrested  industrial  development  and  embarrassed  enterprise  to 
the  injury  of  both  labor  and  capital.  Neither  escapes  its  blighting  effects. 

Commercial  reciprocity  with  foreign  countries  "consistent  with  the  prin- 
ciples of  protection,"  has  long  been  one  of  the  well  recognized  policies  of 
the  Republican  party.  The  present  administration,  in  the  face  of  serious 


222  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Democratic  opposition,  secured  a  treaty  of  reciprocity  with  Cuba,  which 
promises  to  give  us  control  of  a  large  share  of  the  commerce  of  that  island. 

Both  Presidents  McKinley  and  Roosevelt  attempted  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
of  reciprocity  with  Canada.  That  subject,  together  with  the  Alaskan 
boundary  and  other  matters,  was  submitted  to  a  joint  high  commission  for 
consideration,  but  the  differences  which  arose  between  the  American  and  the 
British  commissioners  with  respect  to  the  boundary  made  it  impossible  for 
the  commission  to  agree  upon  any  of  the  remaining  subjects  submitted  for  its 
determination. 

The  American  commissioners  desired  to  remit  the  boundary  dispute  to 
the  two  governments  and  to  proceed  with  the  consideration  of  all  other  ques- 
tions, including  reciprocity,  but  the  British  commissioners  declined  to  proceed 
further  while  the  boundary  remained  undetermined.  Subsequently  the  bound- 
ary commission  was  created  and  the  boundary  line  has  been  settled,  but  no 
agreement  has  been  reached  for  further  consideration  of  the  remaining  ques- 
tions embraced  in  the  protocol.  It  is  hoped  that  the  two  governments  may 
be  able  to  agree  in  due  course  to  take  up  the  subject  of  reciprocity  with 
Canada  according  to  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Republican  national 
platform. 

The  platform  appropriately  recognizes  combinations  of  capital  and  labor 
as  the  outgrowth  of  our  economic  development,  and  as  entitled  to  the  equal 
protection  and  subject  to  the  like  restrictions  of  the  law. 

The  administration  has  enforced  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Act,  which  was 
of  Republican  origin,  in  cases  where  combinations  tave  been  formed  in  vio- 
lation of  its  provisions.  The  law,  which  was  regarded  as  ineffective  by  a 
Democratic  administration,  has  been  invoked  by  the  President  against  com- 
binations in  restraint  of  wholesome  commerce,  and  it  has  been  upheld  by  the 
courts 

The  Congress  last  year  enacted  a  law  to  expedite  the  hearing  and  deter- 
mination of  suits  arising  under  the  Anti-Trust  and  Inter-State  Commerce 
Acts,  so  that  tho  ends  of  justice  might  not  be  defeated  by  delay.  It  created 
the  Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor,  with  authority  to  obtain  necessary 
information  with  respect  to  the  creation  and  operation  of  corporations  en- 
gaged in  inter-state  commerce.  It  also  amended  the  inter-state  commerce 
law  so  as  effectually  to  abolish  the  pernicious  system  of  rebates  under  which 
large  shippers  could  crush  their  smaller  competitors.  These  are  important, 
practical  steps  taken  by  a  Republican  President  and  a  Republican  Congress 
for  the  protection  of  the  people  against  the  encroachments  of  combined 
capital. 

The  Democratic  party  has  done  nothing  towards  safeguarding  legitimate 
interests  and  restraining  combinations  effected  for  extortion  or  other  improper 
purposes.  It  proposes  as  a  principal  remedy  for  unjust  combinations  to  re- 
move the  tariff  from  trust-made  goods,  thereby  inviting  the  foreign  producer 
to  occupy  our  home  market  in  an  attempt  to  regulate  our  own  industries. 
It  has  assumed  that  the  so-called  trusts  are  either  created  or  fostered  by 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      223 

the  tariff.  The  assumption  is  fallacious.  Trusts  are  found  in  free-trade 
countries,  and  they  control  commodities  in  this  country  which  are  upon  the 
free  list. 

The  Republican  party  is  more  direct  and  rational.  It  does  not  strike 
down  good  and  bad  alike.  It  invokes  the  authority  of  Congress  and  the 
power  of  the  courts  to  deal  with  specific,  well-defined  combinations  in  re- 
straint of  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  people.  It  is  as  insistent"  upon  the 
protection  of  capital  employed  in  wholesome  enterprise  as  in  preventing  its 
use  in  contravention  of  the  public  interests. 

The  convention  very  properly  declared  it  "to  be  the.  duty  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  to  uphold  the  gold  standard."  There  is  no  more  important  duty 
than  to  maintain  the  stability  and  the  character  of  the  money  of  the  people. 
Their  manifold  exchanges  should  be  effected  in  a  currency  as  free  from 
blemish  as  the  national  integrity.  The  Republican  party  has  been  essentially 
the  guardian  of  the  financial  credit  of  the  country,  and  the  steadfast  sup- 
porter of  a  sound  currency.  It  has  maintained  the  national  credit  and  pre- 
served the  soundness  of  our  monetary  system  against  persistent  and  powerful 
opposition. 

The  money  question  has  seemed  to  be  settled  at  various  times,  but  the 
contest  has  been  revived  by  the  enemies  of  sound  money  whenever  they 
have  thought  that  they  might  be  successful.  We  should  not  relax  our  vigi- 
lance in  upholding  the  integrity  of  our  currency  so  long  as  a  considerable 
element  of  our  country  are  at  war  with  it.  When  Democratic  candidates 
cannot  hope  to  win  preferment  in  a  national  convention  without  industri- 
ously concealing  their  monetary  views,  and  when  Democratic  national  and 
state  conventions  dare  not  declare  their  faith  in  the  virtue  of  the  gold 
standard,  the  hour  has  not  arrived  when  the  forces  of  sound  money  should 
disband  and  leave  the  field. 

We  not  only  established  the  gold  standard,  but  we  provided  such  safe- 
guards as  will  maintain  our  silver  and  paper  currency  at  a  parity  with  it. 
But  all  of  this  may  be  changed  at  any  time  by  a  hostile  Congress,  or  endan- 
gered by  an  unfriendly  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Our  past  experience 
warns  us  that  it  is  only  a  question  of  time  when  those  who  are  always 
opposed  to  a  sound  monetary  policy  will  again  seek  to  overthrow  it. 

The  Republican  convention  did  well  not  only  to  pledge  anew  our  fidelity 
to  the  gold  standard,  but  to  declare  its  purpose  to  uphold  "the  integrity 
and  value  of  our  national  currency."  There  should  be  no  equivocation  or 
doubt  as  to  our  inflexible  purpose,  not  only  to  maintain  the  gold  standard, 
but  to  keep  all  silver  and  paper  currency  at  a  parity  with  it 

The  assumption  that  the  gold  standard  is  "irrevocably  established"  does 
violence  to  the  law  .It  was  established  by  an  Act  of  Congress,  but  the 
Congress  may  alter,  amend  or  repeal  that  act  at  any  time.  It  is  no  more 
irrevocably  established  than  are  our  tariff  schedules.  The  one  may  be 
changed  as  readily  as  the  other. 


224  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 

Sound  money  is  so  vital  to  our  welfare,  so  important  to  our  industrial 
development,  that  we  should  let  its  open  enemies  or  negative  friends  know 
that  we  abate  nothing  of  our  determination  to  uphold  and  defend  it. 

Since  1896  we  have  improved  the  system  as  well  as  increased  the  volume 
of  our  currency.  We  have  now  in  circulation  $2,521,151,527,  or  $880,942,008 
more  than  we  had  seven  years  ago.  The  increase  has  not  been  due  alone 
to  the  larger  yield  of  gold,  for  $262,659,559,  or  nearly  thirty  per  cent  of  the 
increase  is  composed  of  silver  and  national  bank  notes,  which,  under  the  Re- 
publican policy,  are  essentially  the  equivalent  of  gold. 

If  in  the  future  the  exigencies  of  business,  which  no  wisdom  can  now 
foresee,  should  make  additional  monetary  or  financial  legislation  advisable, 
the  Republican  party  may  be  intrusted  to  enact  it  along  rational  lines. 

The  President's  course  in  Panama  merits  the  most  generous  approval. 
He  dealt  with  a  delicate  and  difficult  situation,  clearly  within  our  national 
rights,  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  possible  the  early  completion  of  an  isthmian 
canal  which  has  long  been  demanded  in  the  interest  of  our  commerce  and  the 
national  defense. 

He  concluded  the  negotiations  with  Great  Britain  for  the  abrogation  of 
the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty.  He  negotiated  a  treaty  with  the  Republic  of 
Colombia  for  the  requisite  rights  and  franchises  for  the  construction  and 
operation  of  a  canal.  Its  ratification  was  contemptuously  refused  by  the 
Colombian  government.  Thereupon  the  people  of  Panama  renounced  their 
allegiance  to  the  parent  government  and  declared  their  independence.  The 
President,  acting  within  the  limits  of  his  executive  authority,  and  in  con- 
formity with  well-established  precedent,  promptly  recognized  their  independ- 
ence. He  negotiated  a  treaty  with  Panama,  whereby  the  United  States 
obtained  the  necessary  rights  and  franchises  for  building  and  operating  the 
canal. 

When  the  insurrection  occurred  upon  the  Isthmus,  the  President  safe- 
guarded American  interests.  He  acted  promptly  but  deliberately ;  prudently, 
not  rashly;  firmly,  not  unlawfully.  He  usurped  no  authority.  He  only 
exercised  that  executive  power  which  is  clearly  vested  in  him  by  the  con- 
stitution, and  which  his  predecessors  had  employed  under  similar  circum- 
stances. If  he  had  failed  to  appreciate  our  rights,  or  to  act  firmly  and 
promptly,  blood  would  have  been  shed  and  the  rights  of  American  citizens 
would  have  been  sacrificed,  and  the  construction  of  the  canal  would  have  been 
indefinitely  delayed. 

The  President  in  due  time  appointed  a  commission  composed  of  eminent 
engineers  and  men  of  practical  experience  to  undertake  the  work  of  con- 
structing the  canal  as  speedily  as  practicable.  There  is  no  longer  any  doubt 
or  uncertainty  as  to  the  enterprise.  Its  completion  is  now  an  assured  fact, 
and  it  will  stand  as  one  of  the  memorable  achievements  of  the  new  century. 

The  completion  of  this  great  work  should  be  left  to  the  administration 
which  has  done  so  much  to  carry  it  forward  against  formidable  obstacles 
abroad  and  vexatious  opposition  at  home. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.      225 

The  administration  in  the  Philippines  has  been  dictated  by  a  broad  sense 
of  duty.  It  has  not  been  subversive  of  our  national  ideals,  but  has  been 
in  conformity  with  the  best  traditions  of  the  Republic. 

The  archipelago  came  to  the  United  States  as  the  result  of  a  war,  and  it 
became  the  duty  of  the  administration  to  enforce  the  laws  there  as  else- 
where, to  maintain  the  national  sovereignty,  and  to  inaugurate  civil  gov- 
ernment. Before  the  insurrection  had  ceased  President  McKinley  admirably 
expressed  our  purpose.  Said  he : 

"No  effort  will  be  spared  to  build  up  the  waste  places  desolated  by  war 
and  by  long  years  of  mis-government.  We  shall  not  wait  for  the  end  of 
strife  to  begin  the  beneficent  work.  We  shall  continue  as  we  have  begun,  to 
open  the  schools  and  the  churches,  to  set  the  courts  in  operation,  to  foster 
industry  and  trade  and  commerce,  and  in  every  way  in  our  power  to  make 
these  people  whom  Providence  has  brought  within  our  jurisdiction  feel  that 
it  is  their  liberty  and  not  our  power,  their  welfare  and  not  our  gain  which 
we  are  seeking  to  enhance.  Our  flag  has  never  waived  over  any  community 
but  in  blessing.  I  believe  the  Filipinos  will  soon  recognize  the  fact  that  it 
has  not  lost  its  gift  of  benediction  in  its  world-wide  journey  to  their  shores." 

President  Roosevelt  has  continued  the  work  in  the  same  just  and  gener- 
ous spirit  which  inspired  President  McKinley. 

Military  rule  was  quickly  succeeded  by  the  civil  authority.  The  people 
of  the  islands  have  been  invited  as  fast  as  possible  to  participate  in  the  work 
of  government.  The  judicial  system  has  been  improved,  corruption  has 
been  driven  out,  public  schools  have  been  established,  and  the  people  are 
already  enjoying  a  large  measure  of  self-government. 

Congress  has  authorized  a  representative  assembly  to  be  chosen  in  due 
time  by  the  people  of  the  islands.  The  ballot-box  is  not  the  sign  of  imperial- 
ism. No  one  need  have  any  grave  concern  with  respect  to  the  future  of  the 
archipelago  if  the  United  States  goes  forward  as  heretofore,  inspired  by  the 
same  lofty  purpose  which  has  characterized  the  administrations  of  President 
McKinley  and  President  Roosevelt.  We  may  safely  trust  to  the  future  to 
deal  with  the  Filipinos  in  a  manner  consistent  with  their  highest  and  best 
interest,  and  with  the  duty  and  honor  of  the  United  States. 

The  people  of  the  islands  have  had  abundant  evidence  of  the  exalted  pur- 
pose of  the  United  States.  The  various  degrees  of  civilization  among  them, 
their  unfamiliarity  with  civic  duties,  make  it  inadvisable  to  indulge  in  any 
declaration  as  to  the  future  policies  which  may  lead  to  misunderstanding. 
The  people  of  the  Philippines  do  not  distrust  us.  We  need  not  distrust  our- 
selves. 

Our  opponents  say  the  Philippine  policy  does  not  pay.  They  should  not 
forget  that  the  United  States  did  not  go  to  war  with  Spain  for  dollars  and 
cents.  They  should  remember  that  when  it  comes  to  a  matter  of  duty,  the 
United  States  does  not  consider  the  cost.  When  the  history  of  our  country 
is  written,  it  will  be  found  that  there  is  no  brighter  page,  or  one  which  will 


226  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

yield  more  pleasure  and  satisfaction  in  its  contemplation  than  the  one  which 
tells  of  our  discharge  of  the  responsibilities  growing  out  of  the  war  with 
Spain.  The  archipelago  belongs  to  the  United  States.  Its  title  is  vested  in 
this  government  by  virtue  of  the  treaty  of  peace  negotiated  and  ratified  ac- 
cording to  the  requirements  of  the  constitution,  and  the  responsibility  of 
administration  rests  upon  us,  not  as  a  matter  of  sentiment,  but  as  a  duty  im- 
posed by  the  obligations  of  the  law. 

The  application  of  the  proceeds  of  public  land  sales  to  the  reclamation  of 
irrigable  portions  of  our  arid  and  semi-arid  public  domain,  meets  my  cordial 
approval.  Through  the  enlightened  policy  thus  established  under  the  pres- 
ent administration,  the  long-deferred  hopes  of  the  struggling  settlers  of  the 
great  arid  and  semi-arid  West,  will  be  realized  in  the  upbuilding  of  substan- 
tial communities  in  places  hitherto  waste  or  comparatively  unproductive. 
At  the  same  time  a  vast  area  of  the  public  domain  will  be  opened,  upon 
which  the  industrious  homeseekers,  now  residing  in  over-crowded  Eastern 
centers,  may  find  homes.  The  sum  of  over  twenty  millions  of  dollars,  now 
available  in  the  reclamation  fund,  to  which  additions  are  constantly  being 
made,  guarantees,  under  the  wise  administration,  great  progress  in  the  work 
of  irrigation,  and  the  settlement  of  the  arid  region  within  a  few  years. 

The  development  of  trade  with  the  Orient  promises  to  absorb  the  increased 
production  of  cereals  in  the;  far  West,  so  as  tq  leave  the  market  conditions 
on  the  Atlantic  seaboard  undisturbed.  The  settlement  of  the  present  unpro- 
ductive regions  will  open  a  new  market  for  the  manufacturers  of  the  East. 

Only  by  unduly  extending  this  letter  could  I  consider  all  the  declarations 
embraced  in  the  platform  of  the  convention.  Further  reflection  but  strength- 
ens my  opinion  of  their  wisdom,  and  I  shall  give  them  my  earnest  support. 
We  are  gratified  that  sectional  differences  have  disappeared  and  that  a  fra- 
ternal spirit  pervades  the  people  of  all  sections  of  our  country.  We  rejoice 
in  a  national  inheritance  which  is  our  common  pride.  Republican  policies  are 
as  broad  as  our  country's  needs.  They  are  neither  sectional  nor  racial  in 
their  generous  design. 

We  are  inspired  with  one  high  purpose,  and  that  is,  under  divine  guid- 
ance, to  promote  peace  and  good  order,  virtue  and  knowledge,  justice,  patri- 
otism and  prosperity  among  our  countrymen,  and  to  increase  to  the  utmost 
the  strength  and  honor  of  the  great  Republic. 

Very   respectfully  yours, 

CHARLES  W.  FAIRBANKS. 


APPENDIX 


THE  PRESS 

The  following  newspapers  were  represented  and  made  telegraphic  special 
daily  reports  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention  and  had  seats  assigned  to 
them  in  the  press  department. 


CALIFORNIA. 


Los  Angeles 

Los  Angeles — . 

Los  Angeles 

San  Francisco.. 
San  Francisco. , 
San  Francisco. . 
San  Francisco. . 


The  Times. 
The  Express. 
The  Examiner. 
The  Examiner. 
The  Call. 
The  Chronicle. 
The  Bulletin. 


COLORADO. 
Colo.  Springs. . .  The  Gazette. 

Denver   The  Times. 

Denver    The  Post. 

Denver   The  Republican. 

Denver    The  Rocky    Mountain 

News. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Hartford  The  Courant. 

New    London...  The  Evening,  Day. 
Morning  Telegram. 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 
"Washington    . . .  The  Star. 
Washington    . . .  The  Post. 
Washington    . . .  The  Times. 

GEORGIA. 
Atlanta The  Constitution. 

ILLINOIS. 

Aurora The  Beacon. 

Aurora The  News. 

Chicago    The  Staats-Zeitung. 

Chicago  The  Swedish  Tribun- 

en. 

Chicago The  Fosterlandet. 

Chicago Chronicle. 

Chicago The  Inter  Ocean. 

Chicago The  Post. 

Chicago The  Record  Herald. 

Chicago The  Tribune. 

Chicago The  Associated  Press. 

Chicago The  Examiner. 

Chicago The  American. 

Chicago The  Journal. 

Chicago The  News. 

Ottawa   The  Journal. 

Peoria   The  Star. 

Peoria  The  Journal. 

Quincy The  Herald. 

Quincy The  Journal. 

Rockford The  Register  Gazette. 


Springfield   The  Herald. 

Springfield  The  State   Register. 


Evansville  . . 
Evansville   . . 
Ft.    Wayne . . 
Indianapolis 
Indianapolis 
Indianapolis 
Indianapolis 
Indianapolis 
Logansport   . 
Logans port   . 
Lafayette   . . , 
Lafayette  . . . 
Lafayette. . . . 

Madison   

New  Albany. 
Terre  Haute. 
Terre  Haute. 


INDIANA. 

.  The  Journal. 

.  The  Courier. 

.  The  News. 

.  The  Journal. 

.  The  News. 

.  The  Sun. 

.  The  Sentinel. 

.  The  Star. 

.  The  Journal. 

.  The  Reporter. 

.  The  Journal. 

.  The  Call. 

.The  Courier. 

.  The  Courier. 
. . .  The  Tribune. 
...The  Tribune. 
. . .  The  Gazette. 


IOWA. 

Clinton   The  Herald. 

Council  Bluffs..  The  Nonpareil. 

Davenport    The  Republican. 

Des  Moines The  Register    Leader. 

Des  Moines The  Capitol. 

Iowa  City The  Republican. 


Abilene 
Topeka 
Topeka 


KANSAS. 

. .  The  Reflector. 

. .  The  Capital. 

. .  The  State  Journal. 


Lexington 
Louisville 
Louisville 
Louisville 
Louisville 


KENTUCKY. 
The  Leader. 
The  Times. 
The  Herald. 
The  Post. 
The  Courier  Journal. 


LOUISIANA. 

New  Orleans...  The  Picayune. 
New   Orleans. ..  The  Times  Democrat. 

MAINE. 
Lewlston    The  Journal. 

MARYLAND. 

Baltimore  The  American. 

Baltimore The  News. 

Baltimore The  Sun. 

Baltimore The  Herald. 


228 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE 


MASSACHUSETTS. 

Boston  The  Journal. 

Boston The  Traveller. 

Boston The  Transcript. 

Boston The  Herald. 

Boston The  Globe. 

Boston The  American. 

Springfield    The  Union. 

Springfield  The  Journal. 

New   Bedford.  ..The  Standard. 

MICHIGAN. 

Detroit    The  Tribune. 

Detroit    The  News. 

Detroit    The  Journal. 

Detroit    The  Times. 

Detroit    The  Free  Press. 

Grand  Rapids. . .  The  Herald. 
Grand  Rapids. . .  The  News. 

Kalamazoo    The  Telegraph. 

Jackson    The  Patriot. 

Saginaw    The  News. 

MINNESOTA. 

Minneapolis  . . .  The  Tribune. 
Minneapolis  . . .  The  Journal. 
Minneapolis  . . .  The  Times. 

St.    Paul The  Dispatch. 

St.   Paul The  Pioneer  Press. 

St.   Paul The  Globe. 

MISSOURI. 

St.  Louis The  Globe  Democrat. 

St.   Louis The  Republic. 

St.  Louis The  Post  Dispatch. 

St.   Louis The  Chronicle. 

Kansas  City The  Times. 

Kansas  City The  Journal. 

Kansas  City The  Star. 

NEBRASKA. 

Lincoln  The  Journal. 

Lincoln  The  Star. 

Omaha    The  Bee. 

Omaha    The  World  Herald. 

Nebraska  City..  The  Tribune. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

Newark  The  Advertiser. 

Newark The  News. 

Trenton  The  Times. 

NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 

Nashua  The  Telegram. 

Portsmouth   The  Chronicle. 

NEW    MEXICO. 

Albuquerque  ...The  Citizen. 
Sante  Fe ...  The  New  Mexican. 

NEW  YORK. 

Albany    The  Journal. 

Buffalo   The  Commercial. 

Buffalo    The  Courier. 

Buffalo    The  Express. 

Buffalo   The  Inquirer. 

Buffalo    The  News. 

Binghampton   . .  The  Press. 
Brooklyn    The  Citizen. 


Brooklyn    The  Eagle. 

Brooklyn    The  Standard. 

Brooklyn    The  Times. 

New  York  City.  The  American. 

New  York  City.  The  Herald. 

New  York  City.  The  Mail. 

New  York  City.  Th«  News. 

New  York  City.  The  Post. 

New  York  City.  The  Press. 

New  York  City.  The  Staats-Zeitung. 

New  York  City.  The  Sun. 

New  York  City.  The  Tribune. 

New  York  City.  The  Times. 

New  York  City.  The  World. 

New  York  City.  The  Wall  Street  Jour- 
nal. 

Rochester  The  Post  Express. 

Rochester The  Democrat  and 

Chronicle. 

Rochester The  Evening  Times. 

Syracuse  The  Herald. 

Troy   The  Budget. 


OHIO. 

Akron    The  Beacon- Journal. 

Cincinnati   .         The  Tribune. 
Cincinnati   .         The  Times  Star. 
Cincinnati    .          The  Post. 
Cincinnati   .         The  Inquirer. 
Cincinnati    .         The  Volksblatt. 

Cleveland The  Press. 

Cleveland The  Plain  Dealer. 

Cleveland The  Leader. 

Columbus    The  Journal. 

Columbus  The  Dispatch. 

Mariette    The  Register. 

Toledo  The  News-Bee. 

Toledo  The  Express. 

Toledo  The  Blade. 

OREGON. 
Portland The  Oregonlan. 

OKLAHOMA. 
Guthrie The  Courier. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 


Johnston    .... 

The  Tribune 

Philadelphia 

The  Press. 

Philadelphia 

The  Ledger. 

Philadelphia 

The  Record. 

Philadelphia 

The  Inquirer. 

Philadelphia 

The  North  American. 

Philadelphia 

The  Item. 

Philadelphia 

The  News. 

Philadelphia 

The  Bulletin. 

Philadelphia 

The  Telegraph. 

Pittsburg  .... 

The  Leader. 

Pittsburg  .... 

The  Press. 

Pittsburg  .... 

The  Post. 

Pittsburg  .... 

The  Times. 

Pittsburg  .... 

The  Dispatch. 

Pittsburg 

.The  Gazette. 

RHODE  ISLAND. 


Providence 
Providence 


The  Journal. 

The  Telegram. 


SOUTH    CAROLINA. 
Charleston   The  News  &  Courier. 


THIRTEENTH    REPUBLICAN     NATIONAL    CONVENTION. 


229 


TEXAS. 

Galveston    The  News. 

Galveston    The  Times. 

Houston    The  Post. 

Houston    The  Chronicle. 

Dallas   The  News. 

TENNESSEE. 
Nashville   The  American. 

UTAH. 

Salt  Lake  City.  The  Herald. 
Salt  Lake  City.  The  Tribune. 
Salt  Lake  City.  The  Telegram. 
Ogden    The  Standard  Exami- 
ner. 

VIRGINIA. 

Richmond The  News  Leader. 

Richmond The  Times  Dispatch. 

Lynchburg  The  News. 

VERMONT. 
Rutland  The  News. 

WEST  VIRGINIA. 
Wheeling  The  Intelligencer. 


WASHINGTON. 

Seattle  The  Post-Intelligencer 

Seattle The  Journal. 

Tacoma    The  News. 


WISCONSIN. 


Fond  du  Lac. 
Milwaukee  . . 
Milwaukee  . . . 
Milwaukee  . . . 
Milwaukee  . . . 

Milwaukee  . . . 
Milwaukee  . . . 
Oshkosh  


. .  The  Commonwealth; 
..The  Journal. 
. .  The  Sentinel. 
. .  The  News. 
. .  The  Evening  Wiscon- 
sin. 

. .  The  Herald. 
. .  The  Free  Press. 
. .  The  Northwestern. 


Collier's   Weekly. 
Publisher's   Press. 
Scripps   McRay   Press   Assn. 
Western    Press   Assn. 
Long  Distance  Telephone. 
The  W.  U.  Telegraph  Co. 


INDEX 


A 

Acclamation,  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  nominated  for  Vice-President  by.  175 

Adjournment,  Motion  for  Final,  by  Graeme  Stewart 180 

Alexander,  Charles,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Assistant   Secretaries,   appointed    65 

Armstrong,    Geo.   W.,   Assistant   Secretary 65 

Alward,  Dennis  E.,   Reading  Clerk 65 

B 

Beveridge,  Albert  J.,  address  of  seconding  nomination  of  Theodore 

Roosevelt  148-151 

Black,    Frank   S.,    address   of,   nominating   Theodore    Roosevelt    for 

President   143-148 

Brophy,  W.  H.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President  140 

Boswell,  N.  K.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Baensch,  Emil,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Bullen,  Herschel,  Jr.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Blalock,  L.  W.  C,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Baird,  David,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Burleigh,  Albert  A.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Baranco,  B.  V.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Brewer,  Gurley,  Messenger  to  Chairman 65 

Blumenberg,  Milton  W.,  Official  Reporter 65 

Burton,  Theodore  E.,  appointed  on  Committee  to  Escort  Permanent 

Chairman  112 

Bingham,  H.  H.,  substitute  by,  on  Hawaii 129 

remarks  by,  on  Hawaii  129 

Bradley,  William  O.,  seconding  nomination  of  Theodore  Roosevelt. .  157 

Babcock,  J.  W.,  remarks  by,  on  Hawaii 125-127 


INDEX.  231 

C 

Call,  Official,  read  by  Elmer  Dover,  Secretary  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee    45 

Cannon,  Joseph  G.,  Permanent  Chairman 

chosen  Permanent  Chairman no 

address  of,  as  Permanent  Chairman  112 

address  of,  notifying  Theodore  Roosevelt  of  his  nomination  for 

President    181-184 

unanimous  nomination  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  declared    by  165 

unanimous  nomination  of  Charles  W.   Fairbanks  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent declared  by 176 

appointed  Chairman  of  Committee  to  notify  the  President 176 

Cannon,  James  G.,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Carter,  Thomas  H.,  resolution  by,  relative  to  rules 66 

George  R.,  remarks  by,  on  Hawaii 124 

Carter,  Thomas  H.,  address  of,  seconding  the  nomination  of  Charles 

W.  Fairbanks  for  Vice-President 174 

Chairman,  Temporary,  Elihu  Root 3 

address   of 47-65 

Chicago,  Local  Committee  of 37-42 

gavel  presented  by  Local  Committee  of 45 

Clerk,  at  President's  desk,  Asher  C.  Hinds 65 

Clifford,   Thomas  F.,  Assistant   Secretary 65 

Collins,  F.  W.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Committee,  Republican  National   33 

Republican    Congressional    / 34 

The  Local,  and  its  work 37~42 

on  Permanent  Organization 68 

Committees,  Chairmen  and  Secretaries  Republican  State 35 

Resolutions  by,  L.  E.  McComas,  relative  to 66 

on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business 69 

on   Credentials    7° 

on  Resolutions   71 

appointment  of  Committee  on  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition....  73 

to  escort  the  Permanent  Chairman 1 12 

Republican    National    138 

to  notify  the  President 178 

to  notify  candidate  for  Vice-President 179 

Convention,  call  for,   read  by  Elmer  Dover,   Secretary  of   National 

Committee 45 

Contests,  report  of,  before  the  National  Committee 81-83 

Contested  cases,  note  by  the  editor  on 75 

Cook,  John  F.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 


232  INDEX. 

Cotteral,  John  H.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Colton,  Joseph   B.,   address   of,   seconding  nomination   of   Theodore 

Roosevelt    160 

Cox,  Rev.  James  E.,  of  Chicago,  prayer  by 74 

Credentials,  contests  decided  by  Committee  on 7/-8o 

report  of  the  Committee  on 75-107 

report  of  Committee  on,  adopted 83 

Cullom,  Shelby  M.,  remarks  withdrawing  R.  R.  Hitt  as  a  candidate 

for  Vice-President    ""  175 

appointed  on  Committee  to  Escort  Permanent  Chairman 112 

Cummins,  A.  B.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Cummings,  Eugene  F.,  Third  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms no 

Harry  S.,  address  of,  seconding  nomination  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  162 

D 

Daniels,  Henry  F.,  Messenger  to  Secretary 65 

Depew,  Chauncey  M.,  presentation  of  invitation  by 72 

remarks  by    73 

resolutions  by,  relative  to  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition 73 

report  by,  on  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition 107 

address  of,  seconding  Charles  W.  Fairbanks'  nomination 168 

motion  of,  that  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  be  nominated  by  acclama- 
tion     175 

Deere,  Chas.  H.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Delegates  and  Alternates,  roll  of 84-107 

Dick,  Charles,  motion  to  adopt  temporary  organization 65 

Dixon,  John  W.,  Tally  Clerk  65 

Dolliver,  J.  P.,  address  of,  seconding  nomination  of  Charles  W.  Fair- 
banks for  Vice-President 166 

resolution  by,  relative  to  Notification  Committees 176 

Donald,  George,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Doorkeepers,  Chief  of,  Charles  S.  Montell 65 

Dover,  Elmer,  Secretary  National   Committee 3 

call  for  the  Convention  read  by 45 

Duckwall,  T.  W.  B.,  Reading  Clerk 65 

Durbin,  W.  T.,  report  of  sub-committee  made  by,  on  Wisconsin  case.  83 

E 

Edwards,    H.    S.,    address    of,    seconding    nomination    of    Theodore 

Roosevelt    154 

Ellis,  Bertram,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Eyre,  T.  Larry,  Assistant  Secretary 65 


INDEX.  233 


Fairbanks,  Charles  Warren,  biographical  sketch  of 23-32 

address  of  Hon.  J.  P.  Dolliver  nominating,  for  Vice-President. . .  166 

nomination  of,  seconded  by  Chauncey  M.  Depew 168 

nomination  of,  seconded  by  Joseph  B.  Foraker 172 

nomination  of   seconded  by  Samuel  W.  Pennypacker 173 

nomination  of,  seconded  by  Thomas  H.  Carter 174 

notification  of 100-192 

reply  of,  to  address  of  Elihu  Root  at  Indianapolis 193-194 

letter  of  acceptance  of  219-226 

Ferry,  Dexter  M.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Ferguson,  Albert,  appointed  Fifth  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms no 

Flanagan,  Webster,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Foraker,  Joseph  B.,  address  of,  seconding  nomination  of  Charles  W. 

Fairbanks    for    Vice-President 172 

remarks  by,  on  Hawaii 123-130 

motion  of,  that  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines  be  placed  on  the 

loll  66 

motion  by,  relative  to  General  Peter  Joseph  Osterhaus 109 

Foster,  Volney  W.,  presentation  of  gavel  by 120 

Frost,  Rev.  Timothy  Prescott,  D.  D.,  prayer  by 43 

G 

Gaffney,  T.  St.  John,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Gallinger,  J.  H.,  resolution  by,    empowering  National  Committee  to 

fill    vacancies     141 

Garrett,  J.  S.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Gavel,  presentation  of,  by  Volney  W.  Foster 120 

presentation  of,  by  Hon.  N.  B.  Scott 45 

presentation  of,  by  Graeme  Stewart 65 

Grant,  W.  D.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Grey,   Lucien,  Assistant   Secretary 65 

Griest,  W.  W.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

H 

Hale,  N.  W.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Hall,  C.  J.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Hanna,  Marcus  A.,  report  relative  to  the  death  of 

Hanna,  L.  B.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Harrison,    W.   H.,    Reading    Clerk 65 

Hawaii,  vote  on  representation  of I31 

representation  of  124-132 

Hay,  John,  instructions  sent  by 137 

Hechinger,  L.  G.,  appointed  Chief  Clerk no 

"Hellsmell"    .                                 109 


234  INDEX. 

Helvey,  Frank,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Henning,  Charles  H.,  appointed  Second  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms.  no 
Herrick,  Myron  T.,  report  relative  to  the  death  of  Senator  Hanna 

made  by  8 

Hinds,  Asher  C,  Clerk  at  President's  desk 65 

Hitt,  Robert  R.,  withdrawal  of,  as  a  candidate  for  Vice-President..  175 

Hodson,  C.  W.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Honorary  Vice-Presidents    I  IQ-I  1 1 

Hoogs,  W.  H.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Hopkins,  A.  J.,  remarks  by,  on  Hawaii 124-126 

Howland,  John  A 37 

Hubbell,  Frank  A.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Hughes,  Sr.,  J.  W.,  chosen  'Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Hunn,  John,   chosen   Honorary  Vice-President 139 

I 

In    Memoriam    5 

Invitation  to  attend  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition 72 

J 

Johnson,  Charles  W.,  chosen  Temporary  Secretary 65 

chosen  Permanent  General  Secretary no 

Johnson,  William  M.,  report  of  Committee  on  Permanent  Organiza- 
tion made  by  .  — 109 

K 

King,  John  H.,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Knight,  George  A.,  address  of,  seconding  nomination  of  Theodore 

Roosevelt   15! 

L 

Lampson,  E.  L.,  Reading  Clerk   65 

League,    Republican    National    36 

Letter  of  acceptance  of    Theodore  Roosevelt 195-218 

of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks 210-226 

Lodge,  Henry  Cabot,  resolutions  and  platform  reported  by 132 

Long,  John  D.,  appointed  on  Committee  to  Escort  Permanent  Chair- 
man      112 

chosen   Honorary   Vice-President    139 

Lowes,  J.  E.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition,  invitation  to 72 

resolution  of  thanks  to,  by  Chauncey  M.  Depew 73 

report  by  Chauncey  M.  Depew  on 107 


INDEX.  235 

M 

McComas,  Louis  E.,  resolution  by,  relative  to  committees 66 

report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  by 75-107 

McKinley,  J.  W.,  remarks  by,  on  Hawaii 128 

Malloy,  John  R.,  chosen  Temporary  Chief  Assistant  Secretary 65 

chosen   Chief   Assistant   Secretary no 

Mason,  William  K,  resolution  by 72 

Matters,  T.  H.,  appointed  Fourth  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms no 

Mantle,  Lee,  chosen  Honorary  Vice- President 139 

Meacham,  R.  S.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Melick,  Walter  S.,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Mellette,  Wm.  M.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Messenger,  Daniels,  Henry  F 65 

Montell,   Charles   S.,   Chief  of  Doorkeepers 65 

Murphy,  Jr.,  Franklin,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Murphy,  Franklin,  Sr.,  motion  of,  that  nomination  of  Theodore  Roose- 
velt be  made  by  acclamation 164 

N 

National  Committee,  contests  before,  report  on 81-83 

resolution  by  J.  H.  Gallinger  relative  to  vacancies  in 140 

Nelson,  Knute,  resolution  by,  relative  to  publication  of  official  pro- 
ceedings      176 

Notification  of  Theodore  Roosevelt 181-190 

Notification  of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks 190-194 

Notification  Committees,  resolution  by  J.  P.  Dolliver  relative  to 176 

Nominations    143 

o 

Odell,   Benj.   B.,   motion   by,   that  Elihu   Root  be  made  Temporary 

Chairman  47 

Officers  of  the  Convention  3 

Officers,    temporary    65 

Official  notification  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  by  Joseph  G.  Cannon 181-190 

Official  notification  of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  by  Elihu  Root 19° 

Official  Proceedings,  resolutions  relative  to .2 

resolution  by  Knute  Nelson  relative  to 176 

Osterhaus,  General  Peter  Joseph,  motion  by  J.  B.  Foraker  relative  to.  109 

Owen,  David  C,  First  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 65 

P 

Paddock,  James  H.,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Payne,  Henry  C.,  Vice-Chairman  National  Committee 3 

Convention  called  to  order  by 43 

Peabody,  James  H.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Pennypacker,  Samuel  W.,  address  of,  nominating  Charles  W.  Fair- 
banks   for   Vice-President 173 


236  INDEX. 

Penrose,  Boies,  report  relative  to  the  death  of  Senator  Quay  made  by.  6 

Perdicaris,  instruction  of  John  Hay  relative  to 137 

Permanent  Chairman  Joseph  G.  Cannon  chosen no 

address  of  Joseph  G.  Cannon  as 112 

Permanent  Organization,  Committee  on  68 

report  of  Committee   on    109 

adoption  of  report  of  Committee  on  in 

Philippines,  the  representation  of 66 

Platform,  report  of,  by  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 132 

adoption  of  137 

Porto  Rico,  representation  of  66 

Presentations  45-46 

President,  nomination  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  for 165 

Q 

Quay,  Matthew  Stanley,  report  relative  to  the  death  of 6 

R 

Raines,  John,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Raymond,  Samuel  B.,  gavel  presented  by 45 

resolution  of  thanks  to 177 

Reading  Clerks 65 

Reporter,  Official,  Milton  W.  Blumenberg 65 

Republican  Party,  Fiftieth  Anniversary  of  birth  of 143 

Resolutions,  Committee  on 71 

report  of  Committee  on,  by  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 132 

Reyburn,  Robert,  resolution  by  72 

Richards,  J.  H.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Rix,  Charles  N.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Roberts,  E.  D.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Robinson,  Walter  G.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Roll  of  Delegates  and  Alternates 84-107 

Rollins,  T.  S.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  biographical  sketch  of 1 1-22 

address  of  Frank  S.  Black  nominating 143 

address  of  Albert  J.  Beveridge,  seconding  nomination  of 148 

address  of  George  A.  Knight,  seconding  nomination  of 151 

address  of  H.  S.  Edwards,  seconding  nomination  of 154 

address  of  William  O.  Bradley,  seconding  nomination  of 157 

address  of  Joseph  B.  Cotton,  seconding  nomination  of 160 

address  of  Harry  S.  Cummings,  seconding  nomination  of 162 

unanimous  nomination  of  i&5 

vote  on  nomination  of   1&S 

notification  ot 181-190 

reply  of,  to  address  of  Joseph  G.  Cannon  at  Oyster  Bay 184-150 

letter  of  acceptance  of 195-218 


INDEX.  237 

Root,  Elihu,  Temporary  Chairman  3 

chosen  Temporary  Chairman 47 

opening  address  by,  as  Temporary  Chairman 47-65 

appointed  Chairman  of  Committee  to  notify  candidate  for  Vice- 
President    ^6 

address  of,  notifying  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  of  his  nomination  for 

Vice-President  190-192 

Rules,  amended    131 

report  of  Committee  on,  made  by  H.  H.  Bingham 120 

resolution  by  T.  H.  Carter  relative  to 66 

and  Order  of  Business,  Committee  on 69 

s 

Secretary,  Temporary,  Charles  W.  Johnson,  chosen 65 

Secretary,  Permanent,  Charles  W.  Johnson,  chosen no 

Secretary,  Assistant  Chief,  John  R.  Malloy  appointed no 

Sergeant- at-Arms,   Wm.    F.    Stone 3 

First  Assistant,  David  C.  Owen   65 

Second  Assistant,  Charles  H.  Henning  appointed no 

Third  Assistant,  Eugene  F.  Cummings  appointed no 

Fourth  Assistant,  T.  H.  Matters  appointed no 

Fifth   Assistant,   Albert   Ferguson   appointed no 

Shattuck,  C.  H.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Silver,  Edgar  O.,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Sims,  Edwin  W.,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Smith,   C.  A.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Snively,  Rev.  Thaddeus  A.,  prayer  by 133 

Spooner,  Willet  M.,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Stephenson,  Rome  C,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Stewart,  Graeme,  presentation  of  gavel  by 65 

motion  for  final  adjournment  by 180 

Stanley,  J.  S.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

Stone,  William  F.,  Sergeant-at-Arms 65 

Stone,  Henry  L.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Strauss,   Isaac,  chosen   Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Sub-Committee,  report  of  W.  T.  Durbin  on  Wisconsin  case 83 

Swift,  Jr.,  Lucien,  Tally  Clerk 65 

T 

Tally  Clerks   6S 

Table,  presentation  of,  by  Gov.  S.  R.  Van  Sant,  of  Minnesota 46 


238  INDEX. 

Thanks,  resolution  by  W.  B.  Heyburn  relative  to  officers  of  Conven- 
tion   177 

resolution  relative  to  City  of  Chicago  and  committees  by  Franklin 

Murphy, 177 

Thomas,  Charles  W.,  resolution  by 72 

Turner,  Hiram  N.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 140 

V 

Van  Sant,  Gov.  S.  R.,  presentation  of  table  by 46 

Vice-Presidents,   Honorary    139 

Vice-President,  address  of  Hon.  J.  P.  Dolfiver  nominating  Charles 

W.  Fairbanks  for 166 

Vote  on  Hawaiian  amendment 131 

on  nomination  of  Theodore  Roosevelt 165 

W 

Warner,  Donald  T.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Warner,  William,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Whitney,  Fred  B.,  Tally  Clerk 65 

Waterman,  Frank  D.,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Williams,  Stevenson  A.,  chosen  Honorary  Vice-President 139 

Wilson,  J.  T.,  Assistant  Secretary 65 

Wisconsin  Case,  report  of  Sub-Committee  on 83 


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